events—­and in general history.  And more especially is its right import within the reach of him who—­taking no part in public measures, and having no concern in the changes of things but as they affect what is most precious in his country and humanity—­will doubtless be more alive to those genuine sensations which are the materials of sound judgment.  Nor is it to be overlooked that such a man may have more leisure (and probably will have a stronger inclination) to communicate with the records of past ages.

Deeming myself justified then in what has been said,—­I will continue to lay open (and, in some degree, to account for) those privations in the materials of judgment, and those delusions of opinion, and infirmities of mind, to which practical Statesmen, and particularly such as are high in office, are more than other men subject;—­as containing an answer to that question, so interesting at this juncture,—­How far is it in our power to make amends for the harm done?

After the view of things which has been taken,—­we may confidently affirm that nothing but a knowledge of human nature directing the operations of our government, can give it a right to an intimate association with a cause which is that of human nature.  I say, an intimate association founded on the right of thorough knowledge;—­to contradistinguish this best mode of exertion from another which might found its right upon a vast and commanding military power put forth with manifestation of sincere intentions to benefit our Allies—­from a conviction merely of policy that their liberty, independence, and honour, are our genuine gain;—­to distinguish the pure brotherly connection from this other (in its appearance at least more magisterial) which such a power, guided by such intention uniformly displayed, might authorize.  But of the former connection (which supposes the main military effort to be made, even at present, by the people of the Peninsula on whom the moral interest more closely presses), and of the knowledge which it demands, I have hitherto spoken—­and have further to speak.

It is plain a priori that the minds of Statesmen and Courtiers are unfavourable to the growth of this knowledge.  For they are in a situation exclusive and artificial; which has the further disadvantage, that it does not separate men from men by collateral partitions which leave, along with difference, a sense of equality—­that they, who are divided, are yet upon the same level; but by a degree of superiority which can scarcely fail to be accompanied with more or less of pride.  This situation therefore must be eminently unfavourable for the reception and establishment of that knowledge which is founded not upon things but upon sensations;—­sensations which are general, and under general influences (and this it is which makes them what they are, and gives them their importance);—­not upon things which may be brought; but upon sensations which must