Directly after the formation of the following Radical Government, I met an Englishman of considerable political importance in Pall Mall, and he observed:—­

‘The new Cabinet is quarrelling among themselves.’

‘Who are fighting?’ I asked.

‘Chamberlain and Trevelyan,’ he replied.

‘What about?’

’Chamberlain says that he brought the party back into office, and he wants the Colonial Office; but Gladstone insists on his being content with the Local Government Board.  Trevelyan says that, as he has for years had experience in naval affairs, he ought to be made First Lord.  But Gladstone, though he cannot prevail on him to be Chief Secretary, has sent him to the India Office.’

‘And may give him free lodgings in Kilmainham if he is refractory,’ I chimed in.  ’And so these two are like pigs with their bristles hurt, poor things.  There’s a pity.’

Some time later, when I heard Messrs. Chamberlain and Trevelyan were so disgusted with the Home Rule Bill that they were leaving the Government, says I to myself, ’I wonder if Mr. Gladstone in his own heart thinks if he had gratified their wishes about office he could have retained them.’

But as a matter of fact both are patriots far above such demeaning insinuations.

Mr. John Morley was a very well-meaning Chief Secretary, but a very misguided man.

In a conversation with me, Mr. Morley observed that, owing to the agitation, he saw no alternative but to make Parnell Chief Secretary.

I said that would be no use, for if he attempted to do his duty he would be shot, even more readily than I should.

Mr. Morley retorted:—­

‘He is the leader of the Irish nation.’

‘I admit it,’ I replied, ’and he is the only man you can make terms with.’

‘How?’ says he.

‘You had better ask him,’ says I, ’to nominate some foreign potentate to appoint commissioners who will say to Mr. Parnell, “Let Ireland pay her share of the national debt and buy out every loyal person who wishes to leave the country,” and then, if Mr. Parnell says, “We are not able to do that,” let them retort, “We will then disfranchise you, for this humbug has been going on long enough."’

‘That’s about it, according to your lights,’ replied Mr. Morley.

Was I not right?

It is a singular fact that Ulster and Alsace-Lorraine have about the same acreage—­5,322,334 to 3,586,560—­and about the same population—­1,581,357 to 1,719,470.  The French and Germans are each willing to spend a hundred millions of money and half a million lives, the one to recover, the other to retain, the province, and yet Mr. Gladstone proposed, not only to abandon Ulster, but to put it under the rule of the people the Ulsterites hate most on earth.

It is also remarkable that at the time of the Union the population of Belfast was 35,000, and Dublin 250,000.  Now Belfast is 335,000, while Dublin remains at a quarter of a million.  Belfast, in point of customs, is the third largest city in the British dominions, coming next after London and Liverpool, whilst it is the finest shipbuilding town in the world.