which it involved, an unprecedented opportunity of stimulating the active forces of disaffection.  As far as Bengal was concerned, an “advanced” Press which always took its cue from Tilak’s Kesari had already done its work, and Tilak could rely upon the enthusiastic support of men like Mr. Bepin Chandra Pal and Mr. Arabindo Ghose, who were politically his disciples, though their religious and social standpoints were in many respects different, Mr. Surendranath Banerjee, who subsequently fell out with Tilak, had at first modelled his propaganda very largely upon that of the Deccan leader.  Not only had he tried to introduce into Bengal the singularly inappropriate cult of Shivaji, but he had been clearly inspired by Tilak’s methods in placing the Swadeshi boycott in Bengal under the special patronage of so popular a deity as the “terrible goddess” Kali.  Again, he had followed Tilak’s example in brigading schoolboys and students into youthful gymnastic societies for purposes of political agitation, Tilak’s main object at the moment was to pledge the rest of India, as represented in the Congress, to the violent course upon which Bengal was embarking.  Amongst the “moderate” section outside Bengal there was a disposition to confine its action to platonic expressions of sympathy with the Bengalees and with the principle of Swadeshi—­in itself perfectly legitimate—­as a movement for the encouragement of native industries.  At Benares in 1905 the Congress had adopted a resolution which only conditionally endorsed the boycott, and the increasing disorders which had subsequently accompanied its enforcement had tended to enhance rather than to diminish the reluctance of the Moderate party to see the Congress definitely pledged to it when it met at the end of 1906 in Calcutta.  The “advanced” party led by Mr. Bepin Chandra Pal had put forward Tilak’s candidature to the presidency, and a split which seemed imminent was only avoided by a compromise which saved appearances.  Sir Pherozeshah Mehta, a leading Parsee of Bombay, who had been drawn into co-operation with the Congress under the influence of the political Liberalism which he had heard expounded in England by Gladstone and Bright, played at this critical period an important part which deserves recognition.  He was as eloquent as any Bengalee, and he possessed in a high degree the art of managing men.  In politics he was as stout an opponent of Tilak’s violent methods as was Mr. Gokhale on social and religious questions, and he did perhaps more than any one else to prevent the complete triumph of Tilakism in the Congress right down to the Surat upheaval.  Thanks largely to his efforts, the veteran Mr. Naoroji was elected to the chair at Calcutta.  None could venture openly to oppose him, for he was almost the father of the Congress, which in its early days had owed so much to the small group of liberal Parsees whom he had gathered about him, and his high personal character and rectitude of purpose had earned for him universal