of Upper India, to see a child wearing only one ragged, dirty garment, but loaded with massive silver ornaments.  Indians who have money and do not merely hoard it prefer to lend it out, often at usurious rates of interest, to their needy or thriftless fellow-countrymen.  Until quite recently the educated classes have held almost entirely aloof from any but the liberal professions.  Science in any form has been rarely taken up by University students, and for every B.Sc. the honours lists have shown probably a hundred B.A.’s.  The Indian National Congress itself, as it represented mainly those classes, naturally displayed the same tendencies, and for a long time it devoted its energies to so-called political problems rather than to practical economic questions.  Hence the almost complete failure of the Western-educated Indian to achieve any marked success in commercial and industrial undertakings, and nowhere has that failure been more complete than in Bengal, where it would be difficult to quote more than one really brilliant exception.  Hence also no doubt some of the political bitterness which those classes display.  Within the last few years, however, the politician has realized that, whilst commercial and industrial development was steadily expanding and the demand for it was increasing on all sides, he was left standing on a barren shore.  He has done his best, or rather his worst, to convert Swadeshi into a political weapon.  His efforts have only been temporarily and partially successful.  But we may rest assured that long after this spurious political Swadeshi has disappeared, the legitimate form of Swadeshi will endure—­the Swadeshi that does not boycott imported goods merely because they come from England, but is bent on stimulating the production in India of articles of the same or of better quality which can be sold cheaper, and can, therefore, beat the imported goods in the Indian markets.

To this form of Swadeshi it is undoubtedly the duty and the interest of the Government of India to respond.  We are bound as trustees for the people of India to promote Indian trade and industry by all the means in our power, and we are equally bound to help to open up new fields of activity for the young Indians whom our educational system has diverted from the old paths, and who no longer find for their rapidly increasing numbers any sufficient outlet in the public services and liberal professions which originally absorbed them.  No reforms in our educational system can be permanently effective unless we check the growth of the intellectual proletariat, which plays so large a part in Indian unrest, by diverting the energies of young India into new and healthier channels.  At the same time there can be no better material antidote to the spread of disaffection than the prosperity which would attend the expansion of trade and industry and give to increasing numbers amongst the Western-educated classes a direct interest in the maintenance of law and order.  There are amongst those classes too many who, having little or nothing to lose, are naturally prone to fish in the troubled waters of sedition.