concerned to prevent any farther operation of it.
It appears from the general consent of the audiences,
that their party were known to be represented; and
themselves owned openly, by their hissings, that they
were incensed at it, as an object which they could
not bear. It is evident by their endeavours to
shift off this parallel from their side, that their
principles are too shameful to be maintained.
It is notorious, that they, and they only, have made
the parallel betwixt the Duke of Guise and the Duke
of Monmouth, and that in revenge for the manifest
likeness they find in the parties themselves, they
have carried up the parallel to the heads of the parties,
where there is no resemblance at all; under which colour,
while they pretend to advert upon one libel, they set
up another. For what resemblance could they suggest
betwixt two persons so unlike in their descent, the
qualities of their minds, and the disparity of their
warlike actions, if they grant not, that there is a
faction here, which is like that other which was in
France? so that if they do not first acknowledge one
common cause, there is no foundation for a parallel.
The dilemma therefore lies strong upon them; and let
them avoid it if they can,—that either
they must avow the wickedness of their designs, or
disown the likeness of those two persons. I do
further charge those audacious authors, that they themselves
have made the parallel which they call mine, and that
under the covert of this parallel they have odiously
compared our present king with king Henry the Third;
and farther, that they have forced this parallel expressly
to wound His Majesty in the comparison: for, since
there is a parallel (as they would have it) it must
be either theirs or mine. I have proved that
it cannot possibly be mine: and in so doing, that
it must be theirs by consequence. Under this
shadow all the vices of the French king are charged
by those libellers (by a side-wind) upon ours; and
it is indeed the bottom of their design to make the
king cheap, his royal brother odious, and to alter
the course of the succession.
Now, after the malice of this sputtering triumvirate
(Mr Hunt, and the two Reflectors), against the person
and dignity of the king, and against all that endeavour
to serve him (which makes their hatred to his cause
apparent), the very charging of our play to be a libel,
and such a parallel as these ignoramuses would render
it, is almost as great an affront to His Majesty,
as the libellous picture itself, by which they have
exposed him to his subjects. For it is no longer
our parallel, but the king’s, by whose order
it was acted, without any shuffling or importunity
from the poets. The tragedy (cried the faction)
is a libel against such and such illustrious persons.
Upon this the play was stopt, examined, acquitted,
and ordered to be brought upon the stage: not
one stroke in it of a resemblance, to answer the scope
and intent of the complaint. There were some
features, indeed, that the illustrious Mr Hunt and