“Fellow-citizens, we cannot escape history.  We, of this Congress and this administration, will be remembered in spite of ourselves.  No personal significance, or insignificance, can spare one or another of us.  The fiery trial through which we pass will light us down, in honor or dishonor, to the latest generation.  We say we are for the Union.  The world will not forget that we say this.  We know how to save the Union.  The world knows we do know how to save it.  We—­even we here—­hold the power and bear the responsibility.  In giving freedom to the slave, we assure freedom to the free—­honorable alike in what we give and what we preserve.  We shall nobly save, or meanly lose, the last, best hope of earth.  Other means may succeed, this could not fail.  The way is plain, peaceful generous, just—­a way which, if followed, the world will forever applaud, and God must forever bless.”

But Mr. Lincoln was not encouraged by any response to this earnest appeal, either from Congress or by manifestations of public opinion.  Indeed, it may be fairly presumed that he expected none.  Perhaps he considered it already a sufficient gain that it was silently accepted as another admonition of the consequences which not he nor his administration, but the Civil War, with its relentless agencies, was rapidly bringing about.  He was becoming more and more conscious of the silent influence of his official utterances on public sentiment, if not to convert obstinate opposition, at least to reconcile it to patient submission.

In that faith he steadfastly went on carrying out his well-matured plan, the next important step of which was the fulfilment of the announcements made in the preliminary emancipation proclamation of September 22.  On December 30, he presented to each member of his cabinet a copy of the draft he had carefully made of the new and final proclamation to be issued on New Year’s day.  It will be remembered that as early as July 22, he informed the cabinet that the main question involved he had decided for himself.  Now, as twice before it was only upon minor points that he asked their advice and suggestion, for which object he placed these drafts in their hands for verbal and collateral criticism.

In addition to the central point of military emancipation in all the States yet in rebellion, the President’s draft for the first time announced his intention to incorporate a portion of the newly liberated slaves into the armies of the Union.  This policy had also been under discussion at the first consideration of the subject in July.  Mr. Lincoln had then already seriously considered it, but thought it inexpedient and productive of more evil than good at that date.  In his judgment, the time had now arrived for energetically adopting it.