greatness, which his coming to the throne had increased
the more because it had been conferred upon him at
a time when he was too young and before he had been
sufficiently prepared. For many years Caligula
had never even hoped to succeed Tiberius; he had continually
feared that the fate of his mother and his two brothers
was likewise waiting for him. Far from having
dreamed that he would be raised to the imperial purple,
he had merely desired that he might not have to end
his days as an exile on some desert island in the
Mediterranean. So much good fortune after the
long persecutions of his family profoundly disturbed
his mental faculties, which had not originally been
well balanced, and it fomented in him that delirium
of grandeur which violently directed his desires toward
distant Egypt, in the customs of which, rather than
in those of Rome, he, in the exaltation of power,
sought satisfaction for his imperial vanity.
From his earliest youth Caligula had shown a great
inclination for the products and the men of that far
country, then greatly admired and greatly feared by
the Romans. For instance, we know that all his
servants were Egyptians, and that Helicon, his most
faithful and influential freedman, was an Alexandrian.
But shortly after his elevation this admiration for
the land of the Ptolemies and the Pharaohs broke forth
into a furor of Egyptian exoticism, which impelled
him to an attempt to bring his own reign into connection
with the policies of his great-grandfather Mark Antony.
He sought to introduce into Rome the ideas, the customs,
the sumptuousness, and the institutions of the Pharaoh-Ptolemaic
monarchy, to make of his palace a court similar to
that of Alexandria, and of himself a divine king,
adored in flesh and blood, as sovereigns were adored
on the banks of the Nile.
Caligula was undoubtedly mad, but his madness would
have seemed less chaotic and incomprehensible, and
a thread of sense would have been discovered even
in his excesses and in the ravings of his unsettled
mind, if it had been understood that many of his most
famous freaks were moved and inspired by this Egyptian
idea and tendency. In the madness of Caligula,
as in the story of Antony and the tragedy of Tiberius,
there is forever recurring, under a new form, the great
struggle between Italy and the East, between Rome and
Alexandria, which can never be divorced from the history
of the last century of the republic and the first
century of the empire. Whoever carefully sifts
out the separate actions in the disordered conduct
of the third Roman emperor will easily rediscover
the thread of this idea and the trace of this latent
conflict. For instance, we see the new emperor
scarcely elected before he introduced the worship
of Isis among the official cults of the Roman state
and assigned in the calendar a public festival to
Isis. In short, he was favoring those Egyptian
cults which Tiberius, with his “old-Roman”
sympathies, had fiercely combatted. Furthermore,