values cut half in two since 1860, pays more in proportion for public schools than Boston.  Although it is easier to give much out of much than little out of little, the South, with one-seventh of the taxable property of the country, with relatively larger debt, having received only one-twelfth as much of public lands, and having back of its tax books none of the $500,000,000 of bonds that enrich the North—­and though it pays annually $26,000,000 to your section as pensions—­yet gives nearly one-sixth to the public school fund.  The South since 1865 has spent $122,000,000 in education, and this year is pledged to $32,000,000 more for State and city schools, although the blacks, paying one-thirtieth of the taxes, get nearly one-half of the fund.  Go into our fields and see whites and blacks working side by side.  On our buildings in the same squad.  In our shops at the same forge.  Often the blacks crowd the whites from work, or lower wages by their greater need and simpler habits, and yet are permitted, because we want to bar them from no avenue in which their feet are fitted to tread.  They could not there be elected orators of white universities, as they have been here, but they do enter there a hundred useful trades that are closed against them here.  We hold it better and wiser to tend the weeds in the garden than to water the exotic in the window.

In the South there are negro lawyers, teachers, editors, dentists, doctors, preachers, multiplying with the increasing ability of their race to support them.  In villages and towns they have their military companies equipped from the armories of the State, their churches and societies built and supported largely by their neighbors.  What is the testimony of the courts?  In penal legislation we have steadily reduced felonies to misdemeanors, and have led the world in mitigating punishment for crime, that we might save, as far as possible, this dependent race from its own weakness.  In our penitentiary record sixty per cent of the prosecutors are negroes, and in every court the negro criminal strikes the colored juror, that white men may judge his case.

In the North, one negro in every 185 is in jail—­in the South, only one in 446.  In the North the percentage of negro prisoners is six times as great as that of native whites; in the South, only four times as great.  If prejudice wrongs him in Southern courts, the record shows it to be deeper in Northern courts.  I assert here, and a bar as intelligent and upright as the bar of Massachusetts will solemnly indorse my assertion, that in the Southern courts, from highest to lowest, pleading for life, liberty or property, the negro has distinct advantage because he is a negro, apt to be overreached, oppressed—­and that this advantage reaches from the juror in making his verdict to the judge in measuring his sentence.