of the horror of the water torture.  Your practical statesmanship which disdains to take George Washington and Abraham Lincoln or the soldiers of the Revolution or of the Civil War as models, has looked in some cases to Spain for your example.  I believe—­nay, I know—­that in general our officers and soldiers are humane.  But in some cases they have carried on your warfare with a mixture of American ingenuity and Castilian cruelty.

Your practical statesmanship has succeeded in converting a people who three years ago were ready to kiss the hem of the garment of the American and to welcome him as a liberator, who thronged after your men, when they landed on those islands, with benediction and gratitude, into sullen and irreconcilable enemies, possessed of a hatred which centuries cannot eradicate.

Mr. President, this is the eternal law of human nature.  You may struggle against it, you may try to escape it, you may persuade yourself that your intentions are benevolent, that your yoke will be easy and your burden will be light, but it will assert itself again.  Government without the consent of the governed—­authority which heaven never gave—­can only be supported by means which heaven never can sanction.

The American people have got this one question to answer.  They may answer it now; they can take ten years, or twenty years, or a generation, or a century to think of it.  But will not down.  They must answer it in the end:  Can you lawfully buy with money, or get by brute force of arms, the right to hold in subjugation an unwilling people, and to impose on them such constitution as you, and not they, think best for them?

Senator Hoar then went on to make another sort of appeal—­the appeal to fact and experience: 

We have answered this question a good many times in the past.  The fathers answered it in 1776, and founded the Republic upon their answer, which has been the corner-stone.  John Quincy Adams and James Monroe answered it again in the Monroe Doctrine, which John Quincy Adams declared was only the doctrine of the consent of the governed.  The Republican party answered it when it took possession of the force of government at the beginning of the most brilliant period in all legislative history.  Abraham Lincoln answered it when, on that fatal journey to Washington in 1861, he announced that as the doctrine of his political creed, and declared, with prophetic vision, that he was ready to be assassinated for it if need be.  You answered it again yourselves when you said that Cuba, who had no more title than the people of the Philippine Islands had to their independence, of right ought to be free and independent.

    —­GEORGE F. HOAR.

Appeal to the things that man holds dear is another potent form of persuasion.

Joseph Story, in his great Salem speech (1828) used this method most dramatically: