to the aid of private money. The expense of the
last election has been computed (and I am persuaded
that it has not been overrated) at 1,500,000_l._,—three
shillings in the pound more in [than?] the land-tax.
About the close of the last Parliament and the beginning
of this, several agents for boroughs went about, and
I remember well that it was in every one of their
mouths, “Sir, your election will cost you three
thousand pounds, if you are independent; but if the
ministry supports you, it may be done for two, and
perhaps for less.” And, indeed, the thing
spoke itself. Where a living was to be got for
one, a commission in the army for another, a lift
in the navy for a third, and custom-house offices
scattered about without measure or number, who doubts
but money may be saved? The Treasury may even
add money: but, indeed, it is superfluous.
A gentleman of two thousand a year, who meets another
of the same fortune, fights with equal arms; but if
to one of the candidates you add a thousand a year
in places for himself, and a power of giving away as
much among others, one must, or there is no truth in
arithmetical demonstration, ruin his adversary, if
he is to meet him and to fight with him every third
year. It will be said I do not allow for the
operation of character: but I do; and I know it
will have its weight in most elections,—perhaps
it may be decisive in some; but there are few in which
it will prevent great expenses. The destruction
of independent fortunes will be the consequence on
the part of the candidate. What will be the consequence
of triennial corruption, triennial drunkenness, triennial
idleness, triennial lawsuits, litigations, prosecutions,
triennial frenzy,—of society dissolved,
industry interrupted, ruined,—of those
personal hatreds that will never be suffered to soften,
those animosities and feuds which will be rendered
immortal, those quarrels which are never to be appeased,—morals
vitiated and gangrened to the vitals? I think
no stable and useful advantages were ever made by
the money got at elections by the voter, but all he
gets is doubly lost to the public: it is money
given to diminish the general stock of the community,
which is in the industry of the subject. I am
sure that it is a good while before he or his family
settle again to their business. Their heads will
never cool; the temptations of elections will be forever
glittering before their eyes. They will all grow
politicians; every one, quitting his business, will
choose to enrich himself by his vote. They will
all take the gauging-rod; new places will be made
for them; they will run to the custom-house quay;
their looms and ploughs will be deserted.