for a Catholic and a Quaker has been totally different, according to his exigence:  you did not give a Catholic liberty to be freed from an oath, or a Quaker power of saying mass with impunity.  You have done this, because you never have laid it down as an universal proposition, as a maxim, that nothing relative to religion was your concern, but the direct contrary; and therefore you have always examined whether there was a grievance.  It has been so at all times:  the legislature, whether right or wrong, went no other way to work but by circumstances, times, and necessities.  My mind marches the same road; my school is the practice and usage of Parliament.

Old religious factions are volcanoes burnt out; on the lava and ashes and squalid scoriae of old eruptions grow the peaceful olive, the cheering vine, and the sustaining corn.  Such was the first, such the second condition of Vesuvius.  But when a now fire bursts out, a face of desolations comes on, not to be rectified in ages.  Therefore, when men come before us, and rise up like an exhalation from the ground, they come in a questionable shape, and we must exorcise them, and try whether their intents be wicked or charitable, whether they bring airs from heaven or blasts from hell.  This is the first time that our records of Parliament have heard, or our experience or history given us an account of any religious congregation or association known by the name which these petitioners have assumed.  We are now to see by what people, of what character, and under what temporary circumstances, this business is brought before you.  We are to see whether there be any and what mixture of political dogmas and political practices with their religious tenets, of what nature they are, and how far they are at present practically separable from them.  This faction (the authors of the petition) are not confined to a theological sect, but are also a political faction. 1st, As theological, we are to show that they do not aim at the quiet enjoyment of their own liberty, but are associated for the express purpose of proselytism.  In proof of this first proposition, read their primary association. 2nd, That their purpose of proselytism is to collect a multitude sufficient by force and violence to overturn the Church.  In proof of the second proposition, see the letter of Priestley to Mr. Pitt, and extracts from his works. 3rd, That the designs against the Church are concurrent with a design to subvert the State.  In proof of the third proposition, read the advertisement of the Unitarian Society for celebrating the 14th of July. 4th, On what model they intend to build,—­that it is the French.  In proof of the fourth proposition, read the correspondence of the Revolution Society with the clubs of France, read Priestley’s adherence to their opinions. 5th, What the French is with regard to religious toleration, and with regard to, 1.  Religion,—­2.  Civil happiness,—­3.  Virtue, order, and real liberty,—­4.  Commercial opulence,—­5.  National defence.  In proof of the fifth proposition, read the representation of the French minister of the Home Department, and the report of the committee upon it.