are slaves; and slaves they are of a viler note, than
such as are subjects to an absolute dominion.
For no Christian monarchy is so absolute, but it is
circumscribed with laws; but when the executive power
is in the law-makers, there is no farther check upon
them; and the people must suffer without a remedy,
because they are oppressed by their representatives.
If I must serve, the number of my masters, who were
born my equals, would but add to the ignominy of my
bondage. The nature of our government, above
all others, is exactly suited both to the situation
of our country, and the temper of the natives; an island
being more proper for commerce and for defence, than
for extending its dominions on the Continent; for
what the valour of its inhabitants might gain, by
reason of its remoteness, and the casualties of the
seas, it could not so easily preserve: And, therefore,
neither the arbitrary power of One, in a monarchy,
nor of Many, in a commonwealth, could make us greater
than we are. It is true, that vaster and more
frequent taxes might be gathered, when the consent
of the people was not asked or needed; but this were
only by conquering abroad, to be poor at home; and
the examples of our neighbours teach us, that they
are not always the happiest subjects, whose kings extend
their dominions farthest. Since therefore we
cannot win by an offensive war, at least a land war,
the model of our government seems naturally contrived
for the defensive part; and the consent of a people
is easily obtained to contribute to that power which
must protect it. Felices nimium, bona si sua norint,
Angligenae! And yet there are not wanting malecontents
amongst us, who, surfeiting themselves on too much
happiness, would persuade the people that they might
be happier by a change. It was indeed the policy
of their old forefather, when himself was fallen from
the station of glory, to seduce mankind into the same
rebellion with him, by telling him he might yet be
freer than he was; that is, more free than his nature
would allow, or, if I may so say, than God could make
him. We have already all the liberty which free-born
subjects can enjoy, and all beyond it is but licence.
But if it be liberty of conscience which they pretend,
the moderation of our church is such, that its practice
extends not to the severity of persecution; and its
discipline is withal so easy, that it allows more
freedom to dissenters than any of the sects would allow
to it. In the mean time, what right can be pretended
by these men to attempt innovation in church or state?
Who made them the trustees, or, to speak a little
nearer their own language, the keepers of the liberty
of England? If their call be extraordinary, let
them convince us by working miracles; for ordinary
vocation they can have none, to disturb the government
under which they were born, and which protects them.
He who has often changed his party, and always has
made his interest the rule of it, gives little evidence