The primary question would be, whether it were more expedient to scatter free labor all over the South, or simply form large colonies at such points as might serve to effectually break up and surround the confederacy.  Without venturing to decide on the final merit of either plan, we would suggest that the latter would be, for a beginning, probably most feasible.  Should Virginia, certain points on the Atlantic coast, embracing the larger cities and vicinity of forts, and Texas, be largely or strongly occupied by free men, we should at once throw a chain around the vanquished foe, whose links would grow stronger every year.  With slavery abolished—­and it is at present abolishing itself with such rapidity that it is almost time lost to discuss the subject—­immigration from Europe would stream in at an unprecedented rate, and in a few years, all the old Southern system become entirely a tradition of the past, like that of the feudal chivalry which the present chivalry so fondly ape.

The enormous internal resources of Eastern Virginia, her proximity to free soil, the arrogance and insubordination of her inhabitants, render her peculiarly fitted for colonization.  Not less attractive is Texas—­a State which, be it remembered, is capable of raising six times as much cotton as is now raised in the whole South, and which, if only settled and railroaded-ed, would, in a few years, become the wealthiest agricultural State in America.  But let our army once settle in the South, there will be little danger of its not retaining its possessions.  He who can win can wear.

The country has thus far treated very gingerly the question of confiscation, which is, however, destined to thrust itself very prominently forward among the great issues of the day, and which is closely allied to colonization.  That the South, after forcing upon us such a war as this, with its enormous losses and expenses, should be subjected to no penalty, is preposterous.  Confiscation there must be—­not urged inhumanly on a wholesale scale, but in such a manner as to properly punish those who were forward in aiding rebellion.  When this war broke out, the South was unanimous in crying for plunder, in speaking of wasting our commerce and our cities on a grand scale.  But it is needless to point out that punishment of the most guilty alone would of itself half cover the expenses of the war.

It may be observed that already, since the decree of emancipation in the District of Columbia, a fresh spirit of enterprise has manifested itself there.  Within a few days after the signature of the President to that act, Northern men began to prepare for renewed industry and action in the old slave field.  The tide of free labor which will rush into Virginia, after the chances of war or other action shall have emancipated that State, will be incalculable.  Its worn-out plantations will become thriving farms, its mines and inexhaustible water-powers will call into play the incessant demand and supply of vigorous industry and active capital.  We may hasten the movement or we may not, by direct legislation.  For the present, it seems advisable to await the rapidly developing chances of war and their results; but the great rush of free labor will come, and that rapidly, and Virginia, disenthralled, become, in all probability, once more the first among the States.