“Book, Sir, book!  It’s the title!” This is the reputed saying of Longman, the publisher, when asked for the key to bookselling.  It is a pity that Mr. Owen’s book has so cumbrous a name to carry; for everything else about it is compact and portable.  Few American works on statistics or political economy possess either brevity or an index, and this combines both treasures.  “In this small volume, which a busy man may read in a few hours,” the author condenses an immense deal,—­and it is a blessed sign, if a man who has been in Congress can still be so economical of words.  If his brother Congressmen would only imitate his precious example, what a blessed hope!  How gladly would one subscribe for the “Congressional Globe,” with the assurance that it would henceforth be the only tedious book in his library, that all the chaff would hereafter be safely winnowed into that, and all the sense put into comfortable little duo-decimos like this!

Mr. Owen’s opportunities, as Chairman of the American Freedmen’s Commission, have been very great, and he has used them well.  The history of slavery and the slave-trade,—­the practical consequences of both,—­the constitutionality of emancipation,—­the present condition of the freed slaves, and their probable future,—­all this ground is comprehended within two hundred and fifty pages.  The points last named have, of course, the most immediate value, and his treatment of these is exceedingly manly and sensible.  He shows conclusively that the whole demeanor of the freed slaves has done them infinite credit, and that the key to their successful management is simply to treat them with justice.  That this justice includes equal rights of citizenship he fully asserts, and states the gist of the matter in one of the most telling paragraphs of the book.  “God, who made the liberation of the negro the condition under which alone we could succeed in this war, has now, in His providence, brought about a position of things under which it would seem that a full recognition of that negro’s rights as a citizen becomes indispensable to stability of government in peace.”  For, as Mr. Owen shows, even if under any other circumstances we might excuse ourselves for delaying the recognition of the freedman’s right to suffrage, because of his ignorance and inexperience, yet it would be utterly disastrous to do so now, when two-thirds of the white population will remain disloyal, even when conquered.  We cannot safely reorganize a republican government on the basis of one-sixth of its population, and shall be absolutely compelled to avail ourselves of that additional three-sixths which is loyal and black.  Fortunately, as a matter of fact, there are no obstacles to the citizenship of the Southern negro greater than those in the way of the average foreign immigrant.  The emancipated negro is at least as industrious and thrifty as the Celt, takes more pride in self-support, is far more eager for education, and has fewer vices.  It is impossible to name any standard of requisites for the full rights of citizenship which will give a vote to the Celt and exclude the negro.