The Atlantic Monthly, Volume 14, No. 82, August, 1864 eBook

This eBook from the Gutenberg Project consists of approximately 305 pages of information about The Atlantic Monthly, Volume 14, No. 82, August, 1864.

The Atlantic Monthly, Volume 14, No. 82, August, 1864 eBook

This eBook from the Gutenberg Project consists of approximately 305 pages of information about The Atlantic Monthly, Volume 14, No. 82, August, 1864.
successes and failures has taught both a lesson which is every day a practical benefit; and after finding that they were powerless when mutually opposed, they have succeeded in swallowing the hatred of half a century, that they may join and divide the power.  The fact that there has been for some time a Tory majority in the House of Commons shows the cunning with which Palmerston manoeuvres his machinery.  If we could conclude at all from his acts what his sentiments are toward America, there is little love wasted on us from that quarter; and Lord Russell, even while addressing the House of Lords in terms favorable to us, never lets the occasion pass without slipping in a sneer between his praises.

Selfishness, national or individual, is ever cautious and ever suspicious.  It seldom rashly grasps the thing coveted:  it oftener lets the apt occasion pass without improvement.  The diplomatic intercourse between Lord Palmerston’s government and our own for the last year or two amply illustrates this.  He had in the first place no prepossession in favor of the United States.  We believe that he was not at all unwilling to see the Union dissolved.  It was natural for a statesman hardened by fifty years of intrigue and devotion to politics to look with absolute gratification upon what seemed the dissolution of a great, and, because a near, a hated rival.  We do not think it too much to assume, that, as far as Palmerston’s personal feelings were concerned, he was ready for the chance of Southern recognition at the outset.  In such a sentiment, he had the sympathy of the aristocracy, and of all others who take the low standard of self-aggrandizement in determining opinions.  Two circumstances, however, were a restraint upon him, and appealed with controlling force to his caution.  He was not only an aristocrat and a hater of republics, he was also the Prime-Minister of all England.  He was absolutely dependent to a great degree upon the lower orders for the permanence of his present dignity.  Was it wise in him to disregard the sentiments of those who were advancing to the predominance, and resort for support to those whose power was rapidly waning, whose opinions were yielding to the newer intelligence?  Would it not be fatally inconsistent in a Liberal statesman to override every Liberal maxim and belie every Liberal profession?  Was not the popular current too strong to be safely defied?  There were Liberal statesmen enough of conspicuous merit to take his place at the helm, should he make the misstep:  Gladstone, Gibson, Herbert, Granville, would fully answer the popular demand:  his downfall, if it came, would doubtless be final.  His private feelings, therefore, even his political wishes, must yield to policy.  His love of place is too strong to succumb either to personal prejudice or national jealousy; and the long habit has made the self-denial more easy.

Copyrights
Project Gutenberg
The Atlantic Monthly, Volume 14, No. 82, August, 1864 from Project Gutenberg. Public domain.