England stands in the somewhat anomalous attitude of being to us the champion of the old monarchical principle, and to Europe the champion of Anglo-Saxon progress; so that the dicta of her thinkers (those who have opposed our Republic) may be regarded as the best thought of the most enlightened monarchists in the world.  As the ministry are obliged, however unwillingly, to represent as well the popular as the aristocratic ideas, through them there comes to us a pretty correct exposition of the different opinions entertained by all classes.  We may regard two facts as well established, one leading out of the other,—­that England has ever been, and is, the most selfish of nationalities, and that she does not desire the prosperity of any power which may become a rival.  With her politicians and her philosophers, Tory and Whig, Churchmen and Dissenters, the ascendancy of Great Britain has lain at the bottom of every policy, and has been the postulate of every theory.  Her history is that of a nationality eager to attain the distinction of the first of powers.  This fact, and this alone, can reconcile the apparent inconsistencies of her record.  At one time the bold accuser of Despotism, she has with marvellous celerity turned to the inthralment of oppressed races.  Maxim has superseded maxim, until her code of international law is a bewildering complication of anomaly and contradiction.  To humble her rivals by every means, and to encourage the efforts of a people striving for freedom only when decided advantage would accrue to herself, has been her constant policy.  This is true of the general tone of her successive cabinets, of the press, and of those politicians who have by comfortable doctrines most successfully gained the public ear.

The classes who look at questions of policy with an eye to expediency are, the leading statesmen of both parties, who regard as the proper end of their labors the interests of Great Britain, and the business-community, who judge of every political event by the manner in which it affects their pockets.  There are two other classes, who take a higher view,—­those who are conservative and fearful of innovation, and those who believe in the progressive tendency of the Anglo-Saxon.  Within the last quarter of a century, the public opinion of England has been undergoing a great change, especially that part of it which is influenced by the lower-middle class.  The people have been growing up to the adoption of liberal principles of government.  The Reform Bill of 1832 was a great stride in that direction; and the measures which have followed upon it have widened the observation of the masses, made the sense of political wrong quicker, and the appreciation of a free system much more vivid.  As a natural result, the attention of this class has been drawn toward America, as the exponent of a government before which all men are equal,—­and so it is, that, as the Rebellion goes on, we receive weekly evidence that the sober, honest thought of English