recurring calamity acts with a most depressing effect
upon those persons in the country who have any claim
to be considered independent. It deprives them
of hope, and consequently of energy, and by relaxing
the spirit of industry which has animated them, tends
in the course of time to unite them to the great body
of pauperism which oppresses and eats up the country.
But let us not be misunderstood. This evil alone
is sufficiently disastrous to the industrial energies
of the class we mention; but when, in addition to
this, the hitherto independent farmer has to contend
with high rents, want of sympathy in his landlord,
who probably is ignorant of his very existence, and
has never seen him perhaps in his life; and when it
is considered that he is left to the sharp practice
and pettifogging, but plausible rapacity of a dishonest
agent, who feels that he is irresponsible, and may
act the petty tryant and vindictive oppressor if he
wishes, having no restraint over his principles but
his interest, which, so far from restraining, only
guides and stimulates them;—when we reflect
upon all this, and feel, besides, that the political
principles upon which the country is governed are
those that are calculated to promote British at the
expense of Irish interests—we say, when
we reflect upon and ponder over all this, we need
not feel surprised that the prudent, the industrious,
and the respectable, who see nothing but gradual decline
and ultimate pauperism before them—who
feel themselves neglected and overlooked, and know
that every sixth or seventh year they are liable to
those oppressive onsets of distress, sickness, and
famine—we need not, we repeat, feel at
all surprised that those who constitute this industrious
and respectable class should fly from the evils which
surround them, and abandon, whilst they possess the
power of doing so, the country in which such evils
are permitted to exist.
It is upon this principle, or rather upon these principles,
and for these reasons, that the industry, the moral
feeling, the independence, and the strength of the
country have been passing out of it for years—leaving
it, season after season, weaker, more impoverished,
and less capable of meeting those periodical disasters
which, we may almost say, are generated by the social
disorder and political misrule of the country.
The fact is, and no reasonable or honest man capable
of disencumbering himself of political prejudices
can deny it, that up until a recent period the great
body of the Irish people—the whole people—were
mainly looked upon and used as political instruments
in the hands of the higher classes, but not at all
entitled to the possession of separate or independent
interests in their own right. It is true they
were allowed the possession of the forty-shilling
franchise; but will any man say that the existence
of that civil right was a benefit to the country?
So far from that, it was a mere engine of corruption,
and became, in the hands of the Irish landlords, one