I find that the administration of justice is in complete keeping with that of property; for, I find it an indisputable fact, that nineteen magistrates, out of every twenty, are Orangemen, or party men of some description, opposed to Roman Catholic principles.  And, yet, the Roman Catholic party are expected to exhibit attachment to the government which not merely deprives them of their civil rights, but literally places the execution of the laws in the hands of their worst and bitterest enemies.  I say so deliberately; for I find that nothing so strongly recommends a man to the office of magistrate, or, indeed, to any office under government, as the circumstance of being a strong, conspicuous anti-Catholic.  In writing to you, my dear Spinageberd, you may rest assured that I will give expression to nothing but truths which are too well known to be contradicted.  The subject of property in Ireland, is one, which, inasmuch as it is surrounded with great difficulties, is also entitled to great consideration.

“If there be any one prejudice in the character of an Irish peasant stronger or more dangerous than another—­and he has many, they say, that are both strong and dangerous—­it is that which relates to property and the possession of it.  This prejudice is, indeed, so conscious of its own strength, and imbued in this opinion with so deep a conviction of its justice, that, in ordinary circumstances, it scorns the aid of all collateral and subordinate principles and even flings religion aside, as an unnecessary ally, justice, therefore, or oppression, or partiality in the administration of property, constitutes the greatest crime known to the agrarian law, and is consequently resisted by the most unmitigable and remorseless punishment.  The peasant who feels, or believes himself to be treated with injustice, or cruelty, never pauses to reflect upon the religion of the man whom he looks upon as his oppressor.  He will shoot a Catholic landlord or agent from behind a hedge, with as much good will as he would a Protestant.  Indeed, in general, he will prefer a Protestant landlord to those of his own creed, knowing well, as he does, that the latter, where they are possessed of property, constitute the very worst class of landlords in the kingdom.  As religion, therefore, is not at all necessarily mixed up with the Irishman’s prejudices as this subject—­it is consequently both dangerous and wicked to force it to an adhesion with so dreadful a principle as that which resorts to noon-day or midnight murder.  This is unfortunately what such fellows as this M’Clutchy do.  They find the Irish peasant with but one formidable prejudice in relation to property, and by a course of neglect, oppression, and rapacity, joined to all the malignant rancor of religious bigotry and party feeling, they leave him goaded by a hundred.  I believe in my soul that there are many fire-brands like M’Clutchy in this country, who create the crime, in order to have the gratification of punishing it, and of wreaking