Macon and Crawford humored his many eccentricities, and would always deferentially listen to him when the humor was on him to talk.  It was at such times that Randolph was most interesting.  He had read much, and to great advantage; he had travelled, and with an observant eye; he knew more, and he knew it more accurately, than any other man of his country, except, perhaps, that wonderful man, William Lowndes.  In his talking moods all the store-house of his information was drafted into service.  His command of language was wonderful.  The antithetical manner of expressing himself gave piquancy and vim to his conversation, making it very captivating.  He was too impatient, and had too much nervous irritability and too rapid a flow of ideas, to indulge in familiar and colloquial conversation.  He would talk all, or none.  He inaugurated a subject and exhausted it, and there were few who desired more than to listen when he talked.  Two or three evenings in the week there would assemble at Mr. Crawford’s a few gentlemen, members of Congress.  This was especially the case pending the Missouri question, when Mr. Randolph, Mr. Macon, Mr. McLean, Mr. Holmes, of Maine, (a great admirer of Mr. Crawford,) Mr. Lowndes, and sometimes one or two gentlemen from Pennsylvania, would be present.  At these meetings this question was the first and principal topic, and Mr. Randolph would engross the entire conversation for an hour, when he would almost universally rise, bid good-night, and leave.  At other times he would listen attentively, without uttering a word, particularly when Crawford or Lowndes were speaking.  These, then, almost universally, did all the talking.  The diversity of opinion scarcely ever prompted reply or interruption.  In these conversations the great powers of Crawford’s mind would break out, astonishing and convincing every one.

It was upon one of these occasions, when discussing in connection with the Missouri question, the subject of slavery, its influences, and its future, that Mr. Crawford remarked:  “If the Union is of more importance to the South than slavery, the South should immediately take measures for the gradual emancipation of the slaves, fixing a period for its final extinction.  But if the institution of slavery is of more vital importance than the perpetuation of the Union to the South, she should at once secede and establish a government to protect and preserve this institution.  She now has the power to do so without the fear of provoking a war.  Her people should be unanimous, and this agitation has made them so—­I believe.  I know the love of the Union has been paramount to every other consideration with the Southern people; but they view, as I do, this attempt to arrest the further spread of slavery as aggressive on the part of Congress, and discover an alarming state of the Northern mind upon this subject.  This with an increasing popular strength may grow into proportions which shall be irresistible, and the South may be ultimately forced to do, what she never will voluntarily do—­abolish at once the institution.”  It was urged by Mr. Holmes that the Constitution guaranteed slavery to the States, that its control and destiny was alone with the States, and there was no danger that the North would ever violate the Constitution to interfere with what they had no interest in.