as a Senator from Georgia, during the Administration of Mr. Madison, had sustained the doctrine of the constitutionality and the policy of a national bank, in one of the very ablest speeches ever made upon the subject, saying everything which could or can be said in favor of such a government financial agent, and refuting every objection of its opponents.  From this speech is derived every argument and every idea of both the reports of Calhoun and McDuffie, which were heralded to the nation as greater even than that of Mr. Dallas, who, with Robert Morris, may be said to be the fathers of this institution.  Mr. Clay had, in one of his ablest speeches, opposed the bank at a former time, and his change of opinion was now well known.

It was very well understood that the coming men were Clay, Jackson, and Calhoun.  Clarke and his friends were ardent supporters of Calhoun, and it was thought they had won the favor of the Administration.  Mr. Clay was strongly opposed to the execution of the old treaty, and had, by this means, drawn upon himself the opposition of the Crawford, or Troup party.  These facts show the condition of public opinion in the State, and conclusively establish the fact, that but for this division of the people, and the check held by this upon the action of the masses and their leaders, fearful consequences would assuredly have ensued.

The reasons influencing the joint action of Mr. Adams and Mr. Clay in opposition to the execution of the old treaty were very different.  Mr. Clay was honest and patriotic.  He had no ulterior views to subserve.  His policy was national.  He desired the prosperity and advancement of his country to greatness and power among the nations of the earth.  His fame was that of the nation; already it was identified with it.  His ambition was a noble and a grand one.  He wished his name identified with his acts, and these to constitute the fame and glory of the nation.  He ever felt what subsequently he so nobly expressed, “That he would rather be right than be President.”  He had no petty selfishness—­no pitiful revenges to exhaust with the hand of power—­no contemptible motives for elevating or advancing the interests of one section of his country by oppressing another.  “All his aims were his country’s,” and his whole country’s.  He desired that every act of that country should bear the broadest light, and challenge the closest and most searching scrutiny; that each should be a new and brighter gem in the diadem of her glory, and that her magnanimity should be most conspicuous in her transactions with the weakest.  This he especially desired, and labored to effect, in all her transactions with the Indians.  He viewed these as the primitive proprietors of the soil, and possessors of the entire country.  He knew they were fading away before a civilization they were by nature incapacitated to emulate, and this, he felt, was in obedience to the inexorable laws of Divine Providence; and, in the wonderfully capacious