very much the same, and it may therefore be considered as established that men are from three to four times more addicted to vagrancy than women.  If the charges of prostitution were excluded (they amounted to 6,486 in 1888), it will be found that the proportion of male vagrants to female is as eight to one.  Looking at this matter a priori, we should expect these figures to be reversed.  In the first place women form a considerably larger proportion of the community than men, and in the second place there are not nearly so many openings for females in our present industrial system.  Forming a judgment upon these two sets of facts alone, one would almost inevitably come to the conclusion that women would be found in much larger numbers among the vagrant class than men.  There are fewer careers open to them in the industrial world; they are less fitted to move about from place to place in search of work; the pay they receive in manufacturing and other establishments is, as a rule, very poor; but in spite of all these economic disadvantages only one woman becomes a beggar to every four men, or, if we exclude fallen women, to every eight men.  What does this condition of things serve to show?  It is an incontestable proof that at least three-fourths or, perhaps, seven-eighths of the begging carried on by men is without economic excuse.  If women who are so heavily handicapped in the race of life can run it to such a large extent without resorting to vagrancy, so can men.  That men fall so far behind women in this respect is to be attributed, as we have seen, not to their want of power, but to their want of will.  They possess far more opportunities of earning a livelihood than their sisters, but, notwithstanding this advantage, they figure far more prominently in the vagrant list.  The only possible explanation of this state of things is that vagrancy is, to a very large extent, entirely unconnected with economic conditions; the position of trade either for good or evil is a very secondary factor in producing this disease in the body politic; its extirpation would not he effected by the advent of an economic millennium; its roots are, as a rule, in the disposition of the individual, and not to any serious degree in the industrial constitution of society; hence, the only way to stamp it out is by adopting vigorous and effective methods of repression.

The British Isles are in a position to adopt these measures with boldness and confidence, for the Poor Law system provides for all genuine cases of destitution, and in striking at begging with a heavy hand, the authorities are at the same time doing much to suppress other kinds of crime.  It has to be remembered that the vagrant is a dangerous person in more ways that one.  The life he leads, his habit of going from house to house, affords him ample opportunities of noticing where a robbery may he successfully committed.  If he does not make use of the opportunities himself, he is not at all unwilling to let others who will