to his business and bosom. To ensure prominence
for such a book, to engage attention and incidentally
perhaps to obtain political employment for himself,
he dedicated it to Lorenzo de’ Medici, the existing
and accepted Chief of the State. But far and above
such lighter motives stood the fact that he saw in
Lorenzo the only man who might conceivably bring to
being the vast dream of patriotism which the writer
had imagined. The subject he proposed to himself
was largely, though not wholly, conditioned by the
time and place in which he lived. He wrote for
his countrymen and he wrote for his own generation.
He had heard with his ears and seen with his eyes
the alternate rending anarchy and moaning paralysis
of Italy. He had seen what Agricola had long before
been spared the sight of. And what he saw, he
saw not through a glass darkly or distorted, but in
the whitest, driest light, without flinching and face
to face. ‘We are much beholden,’ writes
Bacon, ’to Machiavelli and others that wrote
what men do, and not what they ought to do.’
He did not despair of Italy, he did not despair even
of Italian unity. But he despaired of what he
saw around him, and he was willing at almost any price
to end it. He recognised, despite the nominal
example of Venice, that a Republican system was impossible,
and that the small Principalities and Free Cities
were corrupt beyond hope of healing. A strong
central unifying government was imperative, and at
that day such government could only be vested in a
single man. For it must ever be closely remembered,
as will be pointed out again, that throughout the
book the Prince is what would now be called the Government.
And then he saw with faithful prophecy, in the splendid
peroration of his hope, a hope deferred for near four
hundred years, he saw beyond the painful paths of
blood and tyranny, a vision of deliverance and union.
For at least it is plain that in all things Machiavelli
was a passionate patriot, and Amo la patria mia
piu dell’ anima is found in one of the last
of many thousand letters that his untiring pen had
written.
The purpose, then, of The Prince is to lay down rules, within the possibilities of the time, for the making of a man who shall create, increase, and maintain a strong and stable government. This is done in the main by a plain presentation of facts, a presentation condensed and critical but based on men and things as they actually were. The ethical side is wholly omitted: the social and economical almost entirely. The aspect is purely political, with the underlying thought, it may be supposed, that under the postulated government, all else will prosper.
[Sidenote: The Book; New States.]