The ability of the German Government to convince the people that Wilson was unneutral and wanted war caused them to accept Germany’s note in the Sussex case. The defeat at Verdun was explained as a tactical success. The Somme battles, with their terrible losses, failed to bring a break-up because the Allies stopped attacking at the critical moment.
Von Hindenburg as chief of the General Staff of Central Europe remedied the mistakes of the Austrians during Brusiloff’s attacks by reorganising the Dual Monarchy’s army. The crisis which Rumania’s entrance on the Allies’ side brought in Germany and Hungary was forgotten after von Mackensen took Bucharest.
In each of these instances it will be noticed that the crisis was successfully passed by “stimulation.” The German mind was made to believe what the Kaiser willed.
But what about the future? Is there a bottomless well of stimulation in Germany?
Before these questions can be answered others must be asked: Why don’t the German people think for themselves? Will they ever think for themselves?
An incident which occurred in Berlin last December illustrates the fact that the people are beginning to think. After the Allies replied to President Wilson’s peace note the Kaiser issued an appeal to the German people. One morning it was printed on the first pages of all newspapers in boldface type. When I arrived at my office the janitor handed me the morning papers and, pointing to the Kaiser’s letter, said:
“I see the Kaiser has written US another letter. You know he never wrote to US in peace time.”
There are evidences, too, that others are beginning to think. The Russian revolution is going to cause many Socialists to discuss the future of Germany. They have discussed it before, but always behind closed doors and with lowered voices. I attended one night a secret meeting of three Socialist leaders of the Reichstag, an editor of a Berlin paper and several business men. What they said of the Kaiser that night would, if it were published, send every man to the military firing squad. But these men didn’t dare speak that way in public at that time. Perhaps the Russian revolt will give them more courage.
But the Government is not asleep to these changes. The Kaiser believes he can continue juggling public opinion, but he knows that from now on it will be more difficult. But he will not stop. He will always hold forth the vision of victory as the reward for German faithfulness. Today, for instance, in the United States we hear very little about the German submarine warfare. It is the policy of the Allies not to publish all losses immediately; first because the enemy must not be given any important information if possible, and, secondly, because, losses have a bad effect upon any people.
But the German people do not read what we do. Their newspapers are printing daily the ship losses of the Entente. Submarines are returning and making reports. These reports are published and in a way to give the people the impression that the submarine war is a success. We get the opposite impression here, but we are not in a position better to judge than the Germans, because we don’t hear everything.