History of the Negro Race in America From 1619 to 1880. Vol 1 eBook

This eBook from the Gutenberg Project consists of approximately 815 pages of information about History of the Negro Race in America From 1619 to 1880. Vol 1.

History of the Negro Race in America From 1619 to 1880. Vol 1 eBook

This eBook from the Gutenberg Project consists of approximately 815 pages of information about History of the Negro Race in America From 1619 to 1880. Vol 1.
“Regarded the slave-trade as iniquitous:  but the point of representation having been settled after much difficulty and deliberation, he did not think himself bound to make opposition; especially as the present article, as amended, did not preclude any arrangement whatever on that point, in another place of the report."[630]

Mr. Luther Martin of Maryland, in the debate, Tuesday, Aug. 21,—­

“Proposed to vary Art. 7, Sect. 4, so as to allow a prohibition or tax on the importation of slaves.  In the first place, as five slaves are to be counted as three free men in the apportionment of representatives, such a clause would leave an encouragement to this traffic.  In the second place, slaves weakened one part of the Union, which the other parts were bound to protect:  the privilege of importing them was therefore unreasonable.  And, in the third place, it was inconsistent with the principles of the Revolution, and dishonorable to the American character, to have such a feature in the Constitution.
“Mr. RUTLEDGE did not see how the importation of slaves could be encouraged by this section.  He was not apprehensive of insurrections, and would readily exempt the other States from the obligation to protect the Southern against them.  Religion and humanity had nothing to do with this question:  interest alone is the governing principle with nations.  The true question at present is, whether the Southern States shall or shall not be parties to the Union.  If the Northern States consult their interest, they will not oppose the increase of slaves, which will increase the commodities of which they will become the carriers.
“Mr. ELLSWORTH was for leaving the clause as it stands.  Let every State import what it pleases.  The morality or wisdom of slavery are considerations belonging to the States themselves.  What enriches a part enriches the whole, and the States are the best judges of their particular interest.  The old Confederation had not meddled with this point; and he did not see any greater necessity for bringing it within the policy of the new one.
“Mr. PINCKNEY.  South Carolina can never receive the plan if it prohibits the slave trade.  In every proposed extension of the powers of Congress, that State has expressly and watchfully excepted that of meddling with the importation of Negroes, If the States be all left at liberty on this subject, South Carolina may perhaps, by degrees, do of herself what is wished, as Virginia and Maryland have already done.

     “Adjourned.

     “WEDNESDAY, Aug. 22.

     “In Convention.—­Art. 7, Sect. 4, was resumed.

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History of the Negro Race in America From 1619 to 1880. Vol 1 from Project Gutenberg. Public domain.