This sense has been declared, as we understand on good information, by the unanimous voice of all their Assemblies:  each Assembly also, on this point, is perfectly unanimous within itself.  It has been declared as fully by the actual voice of the people without these Assemblies as by the constructive voice within them, as well by those in that country who addressed as by those who remonstrated; and it is as much the avowed opinion of those who have hazarded their all, rather than take up arms against your Majesty’s forces, as of those who have run the same risk to oppose them.  The difference among them is not on the grievance, but on the mode of redress; and we are sorry to say, that they who have conceived hopes from the placability of the ministers who influence the public councils of this kingdom disappear in the multitude of those who conceive that passive compliance only confirms and emboldens oppression.

The sense of a whole people, most gracious sovereign, never ought to be contemned by wise and beneficent rulers,—­whatever may be the abstract claims, or even rights, of the supreme power.  We have been too early instructed, and too long habituated to believe, that the only firm seat of all authority is in the minds, affections, and interests of the people, to change our opinions on the theoretic reasonings of speculative men, or for the convenience of a mere temporary arrangement of state.  It is not consistent with equity or wisdom to set at defiance the general feelings of great communities, and of all the orders which compose them.  Much power is tolerated, and passes unquestioned, where much is yielded to opinion.  All is disputed, where everything is enforced.

Such are our sentiments on the duty and policy of conforming to the prejudices of a whole people, even where the foundation of such prejudices may be false or disputable.  But permit us to lay at your Majesty’s feet our deliberate judgment on the real merits of that principle, the violation of which is the known ground and origin of these troubles.  We assure your Majesty, that, on our parts, we should think ourselves unjustifiable, as good citizens, and not influenced by the true spirit of Englishmen, if, with any effectual means of prevention in our hands, we were to submit to taxes to which we did not consent, either directly, or by a representation of the people securing to us the substantial benefit of an absolutely free disposition of our own property in that important case.  And we add, Sir, that, if fortune, instead of blessing us with a situation where we may have daily access to the propitious presence of a gracious prince, had fixed us in settlements on the remotest part of the globe, we must carry these sentiments with us, as part of our being,—­persuaded that the distance of situation would render this privilege in the disposal of property but the more necessary.  If no provision had been made for it, such provision ought to be made or permitted.  Abuses of subordinate