I know very well that a great proportion of the money of every subordinate country will flow towards the metropolis.  This is unavoidable.  Other inconveniences, too, will result to particular parts:  and why?  Why, because they are particular parts,—­each a member of a greater, and not an whole within itself.  But those members are to consider whether these inconveniences are not fully balanced, perhaps more than balanced, by the united strength of a great and compact body.  I am sensible, too, of a difficulty that will be started against the application of some of the principles which I reason upon to the case of Ireland.  It will be said, that Ireland, in many particulars, is not bound to consider itself as a part of the British body; because this country, in many instances, is mistaken enough to treat you as foreigners, and draws away your money by absentees, without suffering you to enjoy your natural advantages in trade and commerce.  No man living loves restrictive regulations of any kind less than myself; at best, nine times in ten, they are little better than laborious and vexatious follies.  Often, as in your case, they are great oppressions, as well as great absurdities.  But still an injury is not always a reason for retaliation; nor is the folly of others with regard to us a reason for imitating it with regard to them.  Before we attempt to retort, we ought to consider whether we may not injure ourselves even more than our adversary; since, in the contest who shall go the greatest length in absurdity, the victor is generally the greatest sufferer.  Besides, when there is an unfortunate emulation in restraints and oppressions, the question of strength is of the highest importance.  It little becomes the feeble to be unjust.  Justice is the shield of the weak; and when they choose to lay this down, and fight naked in the contest of mere power, the event will be what must be expected from such imprudence.

I ought to beg your pardon for running into this length.  You want no arguments to convince you on this subject, and you want no resources of matter to convince others.  I ought, too, to ask pardon for having delayed my answer so long; but I received your letter on Tuesday, in town, and I was obliged to come to the country on business.  From the country I write at present; but this day I shall go to town again.  I shall see Lord Rockingham, who has spared neither time nor trouble in making a vigorous opposition to this inconsiderate measure.  I hope to be able to send you the papers which will give you information of the steps he has taken.  He has pursued this business with the foresight, diligence, and good sense with which he generally resists unconstitutional attempts of government.  A life of disinterestedness, generosity, and public spirit are his titles to have it believed that the effect which the tax may have upon his private property is not the sole nor the principal motive to his exertions.  I know he is of opinion that the opposition in Ireland ought to be carried on with that spirit as if no aid was expected from this country, and here as if nothing would be done in Ireland:  many things have been lost by not acting in this manner.