Indeed, my dear Sir, there is not a single particular in the Francis-Street declamations, which has not, to your and to my certain knowledge, been taught by the jealous ascendants, sometimes by doctrine, sometimes by example, always by provocation.  Remember the whole of 1781 and 1782, in Parliament and out of Parliament; at this very day, and in the worst acts and designs, observe the tenor of the objections with which the College-Green orators of the ascendency reproach the Catholics.  You have observed, no doubt, how much they rely on the affair of Jackson.  Is it not pleasant to hear Catholics reproached for a supposed connection—­with whom?—­with Protestant clergymen! with Protestant gentlemen! with Mr. Jackson! with Mr. Rowan, &c, &c.!  But egomet mi ignosco.  Conspiracies and treasons are privileged pleasures, not to be profaned by the impure and unhallowed touch of Papists.  Indeed, all this will do, perhaps, well enough, with detachments of dismounted cavalry and fencibles from England.  But let us not say to Catholics, by way of argument, that they are to be kept in a degraded state, because some of them are no better than many of us Protestants.  The thing I most disliked in some of their speeches (those, I mean, of the Catholics) was what is called the spirit of liberality, so much and so diligently taught by the ascendants, by which they are made to abandon their own particular interests, and to merge them in the general discontents of the country.  It gave me no pleasure to hear of the dissolution of the committee.  There were in it a majority, to my knowledge, of very sober, well-intentioned men; and there were none in it but such who, if not continually goaded and irritated, might be made useful to the tranquillity of the country.  It is right always to have a few of every description, through whom you may quietly operate on the many, both for the interests of the description, and for the general interest.

Excuse me, my dear friend, if I have a little tried your patience.  You have brought this trouble on yourself, by your thinking of a man forgot, and who has no objection to be forgot, by the world.  These things we discussed together four or five and thirty years ago.  We were then, and at bottom ever since, of the same opinion on the justice and policy of the whole and of every part of the penal system.  You and I, and everybody, must now and then ply and bend to the occasion, and take what can be got.  But very sure I am, that, whilst there remains in the law any principle whatever which can furnish to certain politicians an excuse for raising an opinion of their own importance, as necessary to keep their fellow-subjects in order, the obnoxious people will be fretted, harassed, insulted, provoked to discontent and disorder, and practically excluded from the partial advantages from which the letter of the law does not exclude them.

Adieu! my dear Sir,

And believe me very truly yours,