productive of great disorders, and thus becomes, innocently
indeed, but yet very certainly, the cause of the bitterest
dissensions in the commonwealth. To a mind not
thoroughly saturated with the tolerating maxims of
the Gospel, a preventive persecution, on such principles,
might come recommended by strong, and, apparently,
no immoral motives of policy, whilst yet the contagion
was recent, and had laid hold but on a few persons.
The truth is, these politics are rotten and hollow
at bottom, as all that are founded upon any however
minute a degree of positive injustice must ever be.
But they are specious, and sufficiently so to delude
a man of sense and of integrity. But it is quite
otherwise with the attempt to eradicate by violence
a wide-spreading and established religious opinion.
If the people are in an error, to inform them is not
only fair, but charitable; to drive them is a strain
of the most manifest injustice. If not the right,
the presumption, at least, is ever on the side of possession.
Are they mistaken? if it does not fully justify them,
it is a great alleviation of guilt, which may be mingled
with their misfortune, that the error is none of their
forging,—that they received it on as good
a footing as they can receive your laws and your legislative
authority, because it was handed down to them from
their ancestors. The opinion may be erroneous,
but the principle is undoubtedly right; and you punish
them for acting upon a principle which of all others
is perhaps the most necessary for preserving society,
an implicit admiration and adherence to the establishments
of their forefathers.
If, indeed, the legislative authority was on all hands
admitted to be the ground of religious persuasion,
I should readily allow that dissent would be rebellion.
In this case it would make no difference whether the
opinion was sucked in with the milk or imbibed yesterday;
because the same legislative authority which had settled
could destroy it with all the power of a creator over
his creature. But this doctrine is universally
disowned, and for a very plain reason. Religion,
to have any force on men’s understandings, indeed
to exist at all, must be supposed paramount to laws,
and independent for its substance upon any human institution,—else
it would be the absurdest thing in the world, an acknowledged
cheat. Religion, therefore, is not believed because
the laws have established it, but it is established
because the leading part of the community have previously
believed it to be true. As no water can rise
higher than its spring, no establishment can have more
authority than it derives from its principle; and
the power of the government can with no appearance
of reason go further coercively than to bind and hold
down those who have once consented to their opinions.
The consent is the origin of the whole. If they
attempt to proceed further, they disown the foundation
upon which their own establishment was built, and they
claim a religious assent upon mere human authority,
which has been just now shown to be absurd and preposterous,
and which they in fact confess to be so.