Whenever, in my proposed reformation, we take our point of departure from a state of slavery, we must precede the donation of freedom by disposing the minds of the objects to a disposition to receive it without danger to themselves or to us.  The process of bringing free savages to order and civilization is very different.  When a state of slavery is that upon which we are to work, the very means which lead to liberty must partake of compulsion.  The minds of men, being crippled with that restraint, can do nothing for themselves:  everything must be done for them.  The regulations can owe little to consent.  Everything must be the creature of power.  Hence it is that regulations must be multiplied, particularly as you have two parties to deal with.  The planter you must at once restrain and support, and you must control at the same time that you ease the servant.  This necessarily makes the work a matter of care, labor, and expense.  It becomes in its nature complex.  But I think neither the object impracticable nor the expense intolerable; and I am fully convinced that the cause of humanity would be far more benefited by the continuance of the trade and servitude, regulated and reformed, than by the total destruction of both or either.  What I propose, however, is but a beginning of a course of measures which an experience of the effects of the evil and the reform will enable the legislature hereafter to supply and correct.

I need not observe to you, that the forms are often neglected, penalties not provided, &c., &c., &c.  But all this is merely mechanical, and what a couple of days’ application would set to rights.

I have seen what has been done by the West Indian Assemblies.  It is arrant trifling.  They have done little; and what they have done is good for nothing,—­for it is totally destitute of an executory principle.  This is the point to which I have applied my whole diligence.  It is easy enough to say what shall be done:  to cause it to be done,—­hic labor, hoc opus.

I ought not to apologize for letting this scheme lie beyond the period of the Horatian keeping,—­I ought much more to entreat an excuse for producing it now.  Its whole value (if it has any) is the coherence and mutual dependency of parts in the scheme; separately they can be of little or no use.

I have the honor to be, with very great respect and regard,

Dear Sir,

Your most faithful and obedient humble servant,

EDMUND BURKE.

BEACONSFIELD, Easter-Monday night, 1792.

SKETCH OF A NEGRO CODE.

This constitution consists of four principal members.

I. The rules for qualifying a ship for the African trade.

II.  The mode of carrying on the trade upon the coast of Africa, which includes a plan for introducing civilization in that part of the world.

III.  What is to be observed from the time of shipping negroes to the sale in the West India islands.