As to the rest of the gentlemen with whom I have the honor to act, they did not then, or at any other time, make a party affair of Irish politics.  That matter was always taken up without concert; but, in general, from the operation of our known liberal principles in government, in commerce, in religion, in everything, it was taken up favorably for Ireland.  Where some local interests bore hard upon the members, they acted on the sense of their constituents, upon ideas which, though I do not always follow, I cannot blame.  However, two or three persons, high in opposition, and high in public esteem, ran great risks in their boroughs on that occasion.  But all this was without any particular plan.  I need not say, that Ireland was in that affair much obliged to the liberal mind and enlarged understanding of Charles Fox, to Mr. Thomas Townshend, to Lord Midleton, and others.  On reviewing that affair, which gave rise to all the subsequent manoeuvres, I am convinced that the whole of what has this day been done might have then been effected.  But then the minister must have taken it up as a great plan of national policy, and paid with his person in every lodgment of his approach.  He must have used that influence to quiet prejudice, which he has so often, used to corrupt principle:  and I know, that, if he had, he must have succeeded.  Many of the most active in opposition would have given him an unequivocal support.  The corporation of London, and the great body of the London West India merchants and planters, which forms the greatest mass of that vast interest, were disposed to fall in with such a plan.  They certainly gave no sort of discountenance to what was done or what was proposed.  But these are not the kind of objects for which our ministers bring out the heavy artillery of the state.  Therefore, as things stood at that time, a great deal more was not practicable.

Last year another proposition was brought out for the relief of Ireland.  It was started without any communication with a single person of activity in the country party, and, as it should seem, without any kind of concert with government.  It appeared to me extremely raw and undigested.  The behavior of Lord N., on the opening of that business, was the exact transcript of his conduct on the Irish question in the former session.  It was a mode of proceeding which his nature has wrought into the texture of his politics, and which is inseparable from them.  He chose to absent himself on the proposition and during the agitation of that business,—­although the business of the House is that alone for which he has any kind of relish, or, as I am told, can be persuaded to listen to with any degree of attention.  But he was willing to let it take its course.  If it should pass without any considerable difficulty, he would bring his acquiescence to tell for merit in Ireland, and he would have the credit, out of his indolence, of giving quiet to that country.  If difficulties should arise on the part of England, he