that difference to be.  About the same time I was called to town for a day; and I took an opportunity, in Westminster Hall, of urging the same points, with all the force I was master of, to the Solicitor-General.  I attempted to see the Chancellor for the same purpose, but was not fortunate enough to meet him at home.  Soon after my return hither, on Tuesday, I received a very polite and I may say friendly letter from him, wishing me (on supposition that I had continued in town) to dine with him as [on?] that day, in order to talk over the business of the Toleration Act, then before him.  Unluckily I had company with me, and was not able to leave them until Thursday, when I went to town and called at his house, but missed him.  However, in answer to his letter, I had before, and instantly on the receipt of it, written to him at large, and urged such topics, both with regard to the Catholics and Dissenters, as I imagined were the most likely to be prevalent with him.  This letter I followed to town on Thursday.  On my arrival I was much alarmed with a report that the ministry had thoughts of rejecting the whole bill.  Mr. M’Namara seemed apprehensive that it was a determined measure; and there seemed to be but too much reason for his fears.

Not having met the Chancellor at home, either on my first visit or my second after receiving his letter, and fearful that the Cabinet should come to come unpleasant resolution, I went to the Treasury on Friday.  There I saw Sir G. Cooper.  I possessed him of the danger of a partial, and the inevitable mischief of the total rejection of the bill.  I reminded him of the understood compact between parties, upon which the whole scheme of the toleration originating in the English bill was formed,—­of the fair part which the Whigs had acted in a business which, though first started by them, was supposed equally acceptable to all sides, and the risk of which they took upon themselves, when others declined it.  To this I added such matter as I thought most fit to engage government, as government,—­not to sport with a singular opportunity which offered for the union of every description of men amongst us in support of the common interest of the whole; and I ended by desiring to see Lord North upon the subject.  Sir Grey Cooper showed a very right sense of the matter, and in a few minutes after our conversation I went down from the Treasury chambers to Lord North’s house.  I had a great deal of discourse with him.  He told me that his ideas of toleration were large, but that, large as they were, they did not comprehend a promiscuous establishment, even in matters merely civil; that he thought the established religion ought to be the religion of the state; that, in this idea, he was not for the repeal of the sacramental test; that, indeed, he knew the Dissenters in general did not greatly scruple it; but that very want of scruple showed less zeal against the Establishment; and, after all, there could no provision be made by human laws