not mere retrenchment, but a system of economy, which would make a random expense, without plan or foresight, in future, not easily practicable.  I proceeded upon principles of research to put me in possession of my matter, on principles of method to regulate it, and on principles in the human mind and in civil affairs to secure and perpetuate the operation.  I conceived nothing arbitrarily, nor proposed anything to be done by the will and pleasure of others or my own,—­but by reason, and by reason only.  I have ever abhorred, since the first dawn of my understanding to this its obscure twilight, all the operations of opinion, fancy, inclination, and will, in the affairs of government, where only a sovereign reason, paramount to all forms of legislation and administration, should dictate.  Government is made for the very purpose of opposing that reason to will and to caprice, in the reformers or in the reformed, in the governors or in the governed, in kings, in senates, or in people.

On a careful review, therefore, and analysis of all the component parts of the civil list, and on weighing them against each other, in order to make as much as possible all of them a subject of estimate, (the foundation and corner-stone of all regular, provident economy,) it appeared to me evident that this was impracticable, whilst that part called the pension list was totally discretionary in its amount.  For this reason, and for this only, I proposed to reduce it, both in its gross quantity and in its larger individual proportions, to a certainty; lest, if it were left without a general limit, it might eat up the civil list service,—­if suffered to be granted in portions too great for the fund, it might defeat its own end, and, by unlimited allowances to some, it might disable the crown in means of providing for others.  The pension list was to be kept as a sacred fund; but it could not be kept as a constant, open fund, sufficient for growing demands, if some demands would wholly devour it.  The tenor of the act will show that it regarded the civil list only, the reduction of which to some sort of estimate was my great object.

No other of the crown funds did I meddle with, because they had not the same relations.  This of the four and a half per cents does his Grace imagine had escaped me, or had escaped all the men of business who acted with me in those regulations?  I knew that such a fund existed, and that pensions had been always granted on it, before his Grace was born.  This fund was full in my eye.  It was full in the eyes of those who worked with me.  It was left on principle.  On principle I did what was then done; and on principle what was left undone was omitted.  I did not dare to rob the nation of all funds to reward merit.  If I pressed this point too close, I acted contrary to the avowed principles on which I went.  Gentlemen are very fond of quoting me; but if any one thinks it worth his while to know the rules that guided me in my plan of reform, he will