or even in the fictions of poetic imagination, could
possibly match it,—if it should be a judgment
which, with cold, unfeeling cruelty, after long deliberations,
should condemn millions of innocent people to extortion,
to rapine, and to blood, and should devote some of
the finest countries upon earth to ravage and desolation,—does
any one think that any servile apologies of mine,
or any strutting and bullying insolence of their own,
can save them from the ruin that must fell on all
institutions of dignity or of authority that are perverted
from their purport to the oppression of human nature
in others and to its disgrace in themselves?
As the wisdom of men mates such institutions, the
folly of men destroys them. Whatever we may pretend,
there is always more in the soundness of the materials
than in the fashion of the work. The order of
a good building is something. But if it be wholly
declined from its perpendicular, if the cement is
loose and incoherent, if the stones are scaling with
every change of the weather, and the whole toppling
on our heads, what matter is it whether we are crushed
by a Corinthian or a Doric ruin? The fine form
of a vessel is a matter of use and of delight.
It is pleasant to see her decorated with cost and art.
But what signifies even the mathematical truth of her
form,—what signify all the art and cost
with which she can be carved, and painted, and gilded,
and covered with decorations from stem to stern,—what
signify all her rigging and sails, her flags, her pendants,
and her streamers,—what signify even her
cannon, her stores, and her provisions, if all her
planks and timbers be unsound and rotten?
Quamvis Pontica pinus,
Silvae filia nobilis,
Jactes et genus et nomen inutile.
I have been stimulated, I know not how, to give you
this trouble by what very few except myself would
think worth any trouble at all. In a speech in
the House of Lords, I have been attacked for the defence
of a scheme of government in which that body inheres,
and in which alone it can exist. Peers of Great
Britain may become as penitent as the sovereign of
Prussia. They may repent of what they have done
in assertion of the honor of their king, and in favor
of their own safety. But never the gloom that
lowers over the fortune of the cause, nor anything
which the great may do towards hastening their own
fall, can make me repent of what I have done by pen
or voice (the only arms I possess) in favor of the
order of things into which I was born and in which
I fondly hoped to die.
In the long series of ages which have furnished the
matter of history, never was so beautiful and so august
a spectacle presented to the moral eye as Europe afforded
the day before the Revolution in France. I knew,
indeed, that this prosperity contained in itself the
seeds of its own danger. In one part of the society
it caused laxity and debility; in the other it produced
bold spirits and dark designs. A false philosophy