of August, as well as the imprisonment and deposition
of the king, which were the consequences of that day,
as indeed were the massacres themselves to which he
confines his censure, though they were not actually
perpetrated till early in September. Like that
faction, he condemns, not the deposition, or the proposed
exile or perpetual imprisonment, but only the murder
of the king. Mr. Sheridan, on every occasion,
palliates all their massacres committed in every part
of France, as the effects of a natural indignation
at the exorbitances of despotism, and of the dread
of the people of returning under that yoke. He
has thus taken occasion to load, not the actors in
this wickedness, but the government of a mild, merciful,
beneficent, and patriotic prince, and his suffering,
faithful subjects, with all the crimes of the new
anarchical tyranny under which the one has been murdered
and the others are oppressed. Those continual
either praises or palliating apologies of everything
done in France, and those invectives as uniformly
vomited out upon all those who venture to express their
disapprobation of such proceedings, coming from a man
of Mr. Fox’s fame and authority, and one who
is considered as the person to whom a great party
of the wealthiest men of the kingdom look up, have
been the cause why the principle of French fraternity
formerly gained the ground which at one time it had
obtained in this country. It will infallibly recover
itself again, and in ten times a greater degree, if
the kind of peace, in the manner which he preaches,
ever shall be established with the reigning faction
in France.
38. So far as to the French practices with regard
to France and the other powers of Europe. As
to their principles and doctrines with regard to the
constitution of states, Mr. Fox studiously, on all
occasions, and indeed when no occasion calls for it,
(as on the debate of the petition for reform,) brings
forward and asserts their fundamental and fatal principle,
pregnant with every mischief and every crime, namely,
that “in every country the people is the legitimate
sovereign”: exactly conformable to the declaration
of the French clubs and legislators:—“La
souverainete est une, indivisible, inalienable,
et imprescriptible; elle appartient a la nation;
aucune section du peuple ni aucun individu
ne peut s’en attribuer l’exercise.”
This confounds, in a manner equally mischievous and
stupid, the origin of a government from the people
with its continuance in their hands. I believe
that no such doctrine has ever been heard of in any
public act of any government whatsoever, until it
was adopted (I think from the writings of Rousseau)
by the French Assemblies, who have made it the basis
of their Constitution at home, and of the matter of
their apostolate in every country. These and
other wild declarations of abstract principle, Mr.
Fox says, are in themselves perfectly right and true;
though in some cases he allows the French draw absurd
consequences from them. But I conceive he is
mistaken. The consequences are most logically,
though most mischievously, drawn from the premises
and principles by that wicked and ungracious faction.
The fault is in the foundation.