I do not know why I should not include America among the European powers,—­because she is of European origin, and has not yet, like France, destroyed all traces of manners, laws, opinions, and usages which she drew from Europe.  As long as that Europe shall have any possessions either in the southern or the northern parts of that America, even separated as it is by the ocean, it must be considered as a part of the European system.  It is not America, menaced with internal ruin from the attempts to plant Jacobinism instead of liberty in that country,—­it is not America, whose independence is directly attacked by the French, the enemies of the independence of all nations, that calls upon us to give security by disarming ourselves in a treacherous peace.  By such a peace, we shall deliver the Americans, their liberty, and their order, without resource, to the mercy of their imperious allies, who will have peace or neutrality with no state which is not ready to join her in war against England.

Having run round the whole circle of the European system, wherever it acts, I must affirm that all the foreign powers who are not leagued with France for the utter destruction of all balance through Europe and throughout the world demand other assurances from this kingdom than are given in that Declaration.  They require assurances, not of the sincerity of our good dispositions towards the usurpation in France, but of our affection towards the college of the ancient states of Europe, and pledges of our constancy, our fidelity, and of our fortitude in resisting to the last the power that menaces them all.  The apprehension from which they wish to be delivered cannot be from anything they dread in the ambition of England.  Our power must be their strength.  They hope more from us than they fear.  I am sure the only ground of their hope, and of our hope, is in the greatness of mind hitherto shown by the people of this nation, and its adherence to the unalterable principles of its ancient policy, whatever government may finally prevail in France.  I have entered into this detail of the wishes and expectations of the European powers, in order to point out more clearly not so much what their disposition as (a consideration of far greater importance) what their situation demands, according as that situation is related to the Regicide Republic and to this kingdom.

Then, if it is not to satisfy the foreign powers we make this assurance, to what power at home is it that we pay all this humiliating court?  Not to the old Whigs or to the ancient Tories of this kingdom,—­if any memory of such ancient divisions still exists amongst us.  To which of the principles of these parties is this assurance agreeable?  Is it to the Whigs we are to recommend the aggrandizement of France, and the subversion of the balance of power?  Is it to the Tories we are to recommend our eagerness to cement ourselves with the enemies of royalty and religion?  But if these parties, which by their