nothing more than an amplification of the Norwich handbill.  He rested the greatest part of his argument on the distress of trade, which he attributed to the war; though it was obvious to any tolerably good observation, and, much more, must have been clear to such an observation as his, that the then difficulties of the trade and manufacture could have no sort of connection with our share in it.  The war had hardly begun.  We had suffered neither by spoil, nor by defeat, nor by disgrace of any kind.  Public credit was so little impaired, that, instead of being supported by any extraordinary aids from individuals, it advanced a credit to individuals to the amount of five millions for the support of trade and manufactures under their temporary difficulties, a thing before never heard of,—­a thing of which I do not commend the policy, but only state it, to show that Mr. Fox’s ideas of the effects of war were without any trace of foundation.

33.  It is impossible not to connect the arguments and proceedings of a party with that of its leader,—­especially when not disavowed or controlled by him.  Mr. Fox’s partisans declaim against all the powers of Europe, except the Jacobins, just as he does; but not having the same reasons for management and caution which he has, they speak out.  He satisfies himself merely with making his invectives, and leaves others to draw the conclusion.  But they produce their Polish interposition for the express purpose of leading to a French alliance.  They urge their French peace in order to make a junction with the Jacobins to oppose the powers, whom, in their language, they call despots, and their leagues, a combination of despots.  Indeed, no man can look on the present posture of Europe with the least degree of discernment, who will not be thoroughly convinced that England must be the fast friend or the determined enemy of France.  There is no medium; and I do not think Mr. Fox to be so dull as not to observe this.  His peace would have involved us instantly in the most extensive and most ruinous wars, at the same time that it would have made a broad highway (across which no human wisdom could put an effectual barrier) for a mutual intercourse with the fraternizing Jacobins on both sides, the consequences of which those will certainly not provide against who do not dread or dislike them.

34.  It is not amiss in this place to enter a little more fully into the spirit of the principal arguments on which Mr. Fox thought proper to rest this his grand and concluding motion, particularly such as were drawn from the internal state of our affairs.  Under a specious appearance, (not uncommonly put on by men of unscrupulous ambition,) that of tenderness and compassion to the poor, he did his best to appeal to the judgments of the meanest and most ignorant of the people on the merits of the war.  He had before done something of the same dangerous kind in his printed letter.  The ground of a political war is of all