Lamenting, as I do, that the matter has not had so full and free a discussion as it requires, I mean to omit none of the points which seem to me necessary for consideration, previous to an arrangement which is forever to decide the form and the fate of Europe.  In the course, therefore, of what I shall have the honor to address to you, I propose the following questions to your serious thoughts.—­1.  Whether the present system, which stands for a government, in France, be such as in peace and war affects the neighboring states in a manner different from the internal government that formerly prevailed in that country?—­2.  Whether that system, supposing its views hostile to other nations, possesses any means of being hurtful to them peculiar to itself?—­3.  Whether there has been lately such a change in France as to alter the nature of its system, or its effect upon other powers?—­4.  Whether any public declarations or engagements exist, on the part of the allied powers, which stand in the way of a treaty of peace which supposes the right and confirms the power of the Regicide faction in France?—­5.  What the state of the other powers of Europe will be with respect to each other and their colonies, on the conclusion of a Regicide peace?—­6.  Whether we are driven to the absolute necessity of making that kind of peace?

These heads of inquiry will enable us to make the application of the several matters of fact and topics of argument, that occur in this vast discussion, to certain fixed principles.  I do not mean to confine myself to the order in which they stand.  I shall discuss them in such a manner as shall appear to me the best adapted for showing their mutual bearings and relations.  Here, then, I close the public matter of my letter; but before I have done, let me say one word in apology for myself.

In wishing this nominal peace not to be precipitated, I am sure no man living is less disposed to blame the present ministry than I am.  Some of my oldest friends (and I wish I could say it of more of them) make a part in that ministry.  There are some, indeed, “whom my dim eyes in vain explore.”  In my mind, a greater calamity could not have fallen on the public than the exclusion of one of them.  But I drive away that, with other melancholy thoughts.  A great deal ought to be said upon that subject, or nothing.  As to the distinguished persons to whom my friends who remain are joined, if benefits nobly and generously conferred ought to procure good wishes, they are entitled to my best vows; and they have them all.  They have administered to me the only consolation I am capable of receiving, which is, to know that no individual will suffer by my thirty years’ service to the public.  If things should give us the comparative happiness of a struggle, I shall be found, I was going to say fighting, (that would be foolish,) but dying, by the side of Mr. Pitt.  I must add, that, if anything defensive in our domestic system can possibly save us from the disasters of