those who are attached to their fortune, and not to their persons or cause; but hereafter none will support a tottering throne.  Some will fly for fear of being crushed under the ruin; some will join in making it.  They will seek, in the destruction of royalty, fame and power and wealth and the homage of kings, with Reubell, with Carnot, with Revelliere, and with the Merlins and the Talliens, rather than suffer exile and beggary with the Condes, or the Broglies, the Castries, the D’Avarays, the Serents, the Cazales, and the long line of loyal, suffering, patriot nobility, or to be butchered with the oracles and the victims of the laws, the D’Ormessons, the D’Espremesnils, and the Malesherbes.  This example we shall give, if, instead of adhering to our fellows in a cause which is an honor to us all, we abandon the lawful government and lawful corporate body of France, to hunt for a shameful and ruinous fraternity with this odious usurpation that disgraces civilized society and the human race.

And is, then, example nothing?  It is everything.  Example is the school of mankind, and they will learn at no other.  This war is a war against that example.  It is not a war for Louis the Eighteenth, or even for the property, virtue, fidelity of France.  It is a war for George the Third, for Francis the Second, and for all the dignity, property, honor, virtue, and religion of England, of Germany, and of all nations.

I know that all I have said of the systematic unsociability of this new-invented species of republic, and the impossibility of preserving peace, is answered by asserting that the scheme of manners, morals, and even of maxims and principles of state, is of no weight in a question of peace or war between communities.  This doctrine is supported by example.  The case of Algiers is cited, with an hint, as if it were the stronger case.  I should take no notice of this sort of inducement, if I had found it only where first it was.  I do not want respect for those from whom I first heard it; but, having no controversy at present with them, I only think it not amiss to rest on it a little, as I find it adopted, with much more of the same kind, by several of those on whom such reasoning had formerly made no apparent impression.  If it had no force to prevent us from submitting to this necessary war, it furnishes no better ground for our making an unnecessary and ruinous peace.

This analogical argument drawn from the case of Algiers would lead us a good way.  The fact is, we ourselves with a little cover, others more directly, pay a tribute to the Republic of Algiers.  Is it meant to reconcile us to the payment of a tribute to the French Republic?  That this, with other things more ruinous, will be demanded, hereafter, I little doubt; but for the present this will not be avowed,—­though our minds are to be gradually prepared for it.  In truth, the arguments from this case are worth little, even to those who approve the buying an Algerine forbearance