If, say his accusers, the dread of too great influence in the crown of Great Britain could justify the degree of reform which he adopted, the dread of a return under the despotism of a monarchy might justify the people of France in going much further, and reducing monarchy to its present nothing.—­Mr. Burke does not allow that a sufficient argument ad hominem is inferable from these premises.  If the horror of the excesses of an absolute monarchy furnishes a reason for abolishing it, no monarchy once absolute (all have been so at one period or other) could ever be limited.  It must be destroyed; otherwise no way could be found to quiet the fears of those who were formerly subjected to that sway.  But the principle of Mr. Burke’s proceeding ought to lead him to a very different conclusion,—­to this conclusion,—­that a monarchy is a thing perfectly susceptible of reform, perfectly susceptible of a balance of power, and that, when reformed and balanced, for a great country it is the best of all governments.  The example of our country might have led France, as it has led him, to perceive that monarchy is not only reconcilable to liberty, but that it may be rendered a great and stable security to its perpetual enjoyment.  No correctives which he proposed to the power of the crown could lead him to approve of a plan of a republic (if so it may be reputed) which has no correctives, and which he believes to be incapable of admitting any.  No principle of Mr. Burke’s conduct or writings obliged him from consistency to become an advocate for an exchange of mischiefs; no principle of his could compel him to justify the setting up in the place of a mitigated monarchy a new and far more despotic power, under which there is no trace of liberty, except what appears in confusion and in crime.

Mr. Burke does not admit that the faction predominant in France have abolished their monarchy, and the orders of their state, from any dread of arbitrary power that lay heavy on the minds of the people.  It is not very long since he has been in that country.  Whilst there he conversed with many descriptions of its inhabitants.  A few persons of rank did, he allows, discover strong and manifest tokens of such a spirit of liberty as might be expected one day to break all bounds.  Such gentlemen have since had more reason to repent of their want of foresight than I hope any of the same class will ever have in this country.  But this spirit was far from general, even amongst the gentlemen.  As to the lower orders, and those little above them, in whose name the present powers domineer, they were far from discovering any sort of dissatisfaction with the power and prerogatives of the crown.  That vain people were rather proud of them:  they rather despised the English for not having a monarch possessed of such high and perfect authority. They had felt nothing from lettres de cachet.  The Bastile could inspire no horrors into them.  This was a treat for their betters.