The object pursued by the Catholics is, I understand, and have all along reasoned as if it were so, in some degree or measure to be again admitted to the franchises of the Constitution.  Men are considered as under some derangement of their intellects, when they see good and evil in a different light from other men,—­when they choose nauseous and unwholesome food, and reject such as to the rest of the world seems pleasant and is known to be nutritive.  I have always considered the British Constitution not to be a thing in itself so vicious as that none but men of deranged understanding and turbulent tempers could desire a share in it:  on the contrary, I should think very indifferently of the understanding and temper of any body of men who did not wish to partake of this great and acknowledged benefit.  I cannot think quite so favorably either of the sense or temper of those, if any such there are, who would voluntarily persuade their brethren that the object is not fit for them, or they for the object.  Whatever may be my thoughts concerning them, I am quite sure that they who hold such language must forfeit all credit with the rest.  This is infallible,—­if they conceive any opinion of their judgment, they cannot possibly think them their friends.  There is, indeed, one supposition which would reconcile the conduct of such gentlemen to sound reason, and to the purest affection towards their fellow-sufferers:  it is, that they act under the impression of a well-grounded fear for the general interest.  If they should be told, and should believe the story, that, if they dare attempt to make their condition better, they will infallibly make it worse,—­that, if they aim at obtaining liberty, they will have their slavery doubled,—­that their endeavor to put themselves upon anything which approaches towards an equitable footing with their fellow-subjects will be considered as an indication of a seditious and rebellious disposition,—­such a view of things ought perfectly to restore the gentlemen, who so anxiously dissuade their countrymen from wishing a participation with the privileged part of the people, to the good opinion of their fellows.  But what is to them a very full justification is not quite so honorable to that power from whose maxims and temper so good a ground of rational terror is furnished.  I think arguments of this kind will never be used by the friends of a government which I greatly respect, or by any of the leaders of an opposition whom I have the honor to know and the sense to admire.  I remember Polybius tells us, that, during his captivity in Italy as a Peloponnesian hostage, he solicited old Cato to intercede with the Senate for his release, and that of his countrymen:  this old politician told him that he had better continue in his present condition, however irksome, than apply again to that formidable authority for their relief; that he ought to imitate the wisdom of his countryman Ulysses, who, when he was once out of the den of the