the deprivation of some millions of people of all the rights of citizens, and all interest in the Constitution, in and to which they were born, was a thing conformable to the declared principles of the Revolution.  This I am sure is true relatively to England (where the operation of these anti-principles comparatively were of little extent); and some of our late laws, in repealing acts made immediately after the Revolution, admit that some things then done were not done in the true spirit of the Revolution.  But the Revolution operated differently in England and Ireland, in many, and these essential particulars.  Supposing the principles to have been altogether the same in both kingdoms, by the application of those principles to very different objects the whole spirit of the system was changed, not to say reversed.  In England it was the struggle of the great body of the people for the establishment of their liberties, against the efforts of a very small faction, who would have oppressed them.  In Ireland it was the establishment of the power of the smaller number, at the expense of the civil liberties and properties of the far greater part, and at the expense of the political liberties of the whole.  It was, to say the truth, not a revolution, but a conquest:  which is not to say a great deal in its favor.  To insist on everything done in Ireland at the Revolution would be to insist on the severe and jealous policy of a conqueror, in the crude settlement of his new acquisition, as a permanent rule for its future government.  This no power, in no country that ever I heard of, has done or professed to do,—­except in Ireland; where it is done, and possibly by some people will be professed.  Time has, by degrees, in all other places and periods, blended and coalited the conquered with the conquerors.  So, after some time, and after one of the most rigid conquests that we read of in history, the Normans softened into the English.  I wish you to turn your recollection to the fine speech of Cerealis to the Gauls, made to dissuade them from revolt.  Speaking of the Romans,—­“Nos quamvis toties lacessiti, jure victoriae id solum vobis addidimus, quo pacem tueremur:  nam neque quies gentium sine armis, neque arma sine stipendiis, neque stipendia sine tributis haberi queant. Caetera in communi sita sunt:  ipsi plerumque nostris exercitibus praesidetis:  ipsi has aliasque provincias regitis:  nil separatum clausumve.  Proinde pacem et urbem, quam victores victique eodem jure obtinemus, amate, colite.”  You will consider whether the arguments used by that Roman to these Gauls would apply to the case in Ireland,—­and whether you could use so plausible a preamble to any severe warning you might think it proper to hold out to those who should resort to sedition, instead of supplication, to obtain any object that they may pursue with the governing power.