One would imagine that a bill inflicting such a multitude of incapacities had followed on the heels of a conquest made by a very fierce enemy, under the impression of recent animosity and resentment.  No man, on reading that bill, could imagine he was reading an act of amnesty and indulgence, following a recital of the good behavior of those who are the objects of it,—­which recital stood at the head of the bill, as it was first introduced, but, I suppose for its incongruity with the body of the piece, was afterwards omitted.  This I say on memory.  It, however, still recites the oath, and that Catholics ought to be considered as good and loyal subjects to his Majesty, his crown and government.  Then follows an universal exclusion of those GOOD and LOYAL subjects from every (even the lowest) office of trust and profit,—­from any vote at an election,—­from any privilege in a town corporate,—­from being even a freeman of such a corporation,—­from serving on grand juries,—­from a vote at a vestry,—­from having a gun in his house,—­from being a barrister, attorney, or solicitor, &c., &c., &c.

This has surely much more the air of a table of proscription than an act of grace.  What must we suppose the laws concerning those good subjects to have been, of which this is a relaxation?  I know well that there is a cant language current, about the difference between an exclusion from employments, even to the most rigorous extent, and an exclusion from the natural benefits arising from a man’s own industry.  I allow, that, under some circumstances, the difference is very material in point of justice, and that there are considerations which may render it advisable for a wise government to keep the leading parts of every branch of civil and military administration in hands of the best trust; but a total exclusion from the commonwealth is a very different thing.  When a government subsists (as governments formerly did) on an estate of its own, with but few and inconsiderable revenues drawn from the subject, then the few officers which existed in such establishments were naturally at the disposal of that government, which paid the salaries out of its own coffers:  there an exclusive preference could hardly merit the name of proscription.  Almost the whole produce of a man’s industry at that time remained in his own purse to maintain his family.  But times alter, and the whole estate of government is from private contribution.  When a very great portion of the labor of individuals goes to the state, and is by the state again refunded to individuals, through the medium of offices, and in this circuitous progress from the private to the public, and from the public again to the private fund, the families from whom the revenue is taken are indemnified, and an equitable balance between the government and the subject is established.  But if a great body of the people who contribute to this state lottery are excluded from all the prizes, the stopping the