not be the persons to carry on a war to prevent their obtaining a great benefit, or at worst a fair exchange.  They will not go to battle in favor of a cause in which their defeat might be more advantageous to the public than their victory.  They must at least tacitly abet those who endeavor to make converts to a sound opinion; they must discountenance those who would oppose its propagation.  In proportion as by these means the enterprising party is strengthened, the dread of a struggle is lessened.  See what an encouragement this is to the enemies of the Constitution!  A few assassinations and a very great destruction of property we know they consider as no real obstacles in the way of a grand political change.  And they will hope, that here, if antimonarchical opinions gain ground as they have done in France, they may, as in France, accomplish a revolution without a war.

They who think so well of the French Constitution cannot be seriously alarmed by any progress made by its partisans.  Provisions for security are not to be received from those who think that there is no danger.  No! there is no plan of security to be listened to but from those who entertain the same fears with ourselves,—­from those who think that the thing to be secured is a great blessing, and the thing against which we would secure it a great mischief.  Every person of a different opinion must be careless about security.

I believe the author of the Reflections, whether he fears the designs of that set of people with reason or not, cannot prevail on himself to despise them.  He cannot despise them for their numbers, which, though small, compared with the sound part of the community, are not inconsiderable:  he cannot look with contempt on their influence, their activity, or the kind of talents and tempers which they possess, exactly calculated for the work they have in hand and the minds they chiefly apply to.  Do we not see their most considerable and accredited ministers, and several of their party of weight and importance, active in spreading mischievous opinions, in giving sanction to seditious writings, in promoting seditious anniversaries? and what part of their description has disowned them or their proceedings?  When men, circumstanced as these are, publicly declare such admiration of a foreign Constitution, and such contempt of our own, it would be, in the author of the Reflections, thinking as he does of the French Constitution, infamously to cheat the rest of the nation to their ruin to say there is no danger.

In estimating danger, we are obliged to take into our calculation the character and disposition of the enemy into whose hands we may chance to fall.  The genius of this faction is easily discerned, by observing with what a very different eye they have viewed the late foreign revolutions.  Two have passed before them:  that of France, and that of Poland.  The state of Poland was such, that there could scarcely exist two opinions, but that a reformation