[122] “Non, ut olim, universae legiones deducebantur, cum tribunis, et centurionibus, et sui cujusque ordinis militibus, ut consensu et caritate rempublicam efficerent; sed ignoti inter se, diversis manipulis, sine rectore, sine affectibus mutuis, quasi ex alio genere mortalium repente in unum collecti, numerus magis quam colonia.”—­Tac.  Annal. lib. 14, sect. 27.—­All this will be still more applicable to the unconnected, rotatory, biennial national assemblies, in this absurd and senseless constitution.

[123] Qualitas, Relatio, Actio, Passio, Ubi, Quando, Situs, Habitus.

[124] See l’Etat de la France, p. 363.

[125] In reality three, to reckon the provincial republican establishments.

[126] For further elucidations upon the subject of all these judicatures and of the Committee of Research, see M. de Calonne’s work.

[127] “Comme sa Majeste a reconnu, non un systeme d’associations particulieres, mais une reunion de volontes de tous les Francois pour la liberte et la prosperite communes, ainsi pour le maintien de l’ordre publique, il a pense qu’il convenoit que chaque regiment prit part a ces fetes civiques pour multiplier les rapports, et resserrer les liens d’union entre les citoyens et les troupes.”—­Lest I should not be credited, I insert the words authorizing the troops to feast with the popular confederacies.

[128] This war minister has since quitted the school and resigned his office.

[129] Courrier Francois, 30 July, 1790.  Assemblee Nationale, Numero 210.

[130] I see by M. Necker’s account, that the national guards of Paris have received, over and above the money levied within their own city, about 145,000_l._ sterling out of the public treasure.  Whether this be an actual payment for the nine months of their existence, or an estimate of their yearly charge, I do not clearly perceive.  It is of no great importance, as certainly they may take whatever they please.

[131] The reader will observe that I have but lightly touched (my plan demanded nothing more) on the condition of the French finances as connected with the demands upon them.  If I had intended to do otherwise, the materials in my hands for such a task are not altogether perfect.  On this subject I refer the reader to M. de Calonne’s work, and the tremendous display that he has made of the havoc and devastation in the public estate, and in all the affairs of France, caused by the presumptuous good intentions of ignorance and incapacity.  Such effects those causes will always produce.  Looking over that account with a pretty strict eye, and, with perhaps too much rigor, deducting everything which may be placed to the account of a financier out of place, who might be supposed by his enemies desirous of making the most of his cause, I believe it will be found that a more salutary lesson of caution against the daring spirit of innovators than what has been supplied at the expense of France never was at any time furnished to mankind.