he faithfully served his greatness, he endured his
person. When George the Second took Mr. Pitt,
who certainly was not agreeable to him, into his councils,
he did nothing which could humble a wise sovereign.
But these ministers, who were chosen by affairs, not
by affections, acted in the name of and in trust for
kings, and not as their avowed constitutional and
ostensible masters. I think it impossible that
any king, when he has recovered his first terrors,
can cordially infuse vivacity and vigor into measures
which he knows to be dictated by those who, he must
be persuaded, are in the highest degree ill affected
to his person. Will any ministers, who serve such
a king (or whatever he may be called) with but a decent
appearance of respect, cordially obey the orders of
those whom but the other day in his name they had
committed to the Bastile? will they obey the orders
of those whom, whilst they were exercising despotic
justice upon them, they conceived they were treating
with lenity, and for whom in a prison they thought
they had provided an asylum? If you expect such
obedience, amongst your other innovations and regenerations,
you ought to make a revolution in Nature, and provide
a new constitution, for the human mind: otherwise
your supreme government cannot harmonize with its
executory system. There are cases in which we
cannot take up with names and abstractions. You
may call half a dozen leading individuals, whom we
have reason to fear and hate, the nation. It makes
no other difference than to make us fear and hate
them the more. If it had been thought justifiable
and expedient to make such a revolution by such means
and through such persons as you have made yours, it
would have been more wise to have completed the business
of the fifth and sixth of October. The new executive
officer would then owe his situation to those who are
his creators as well as his masters; and he might be
bound in interest, in the society of crime, and (if
in crimes there could be virtues) in gratitude, to
serve those who had promoted him to a place of great
lucre and great sensual indulgence,—and
of something more: for more he must have received
from those who certainly would not have limited an
aggrandized creature as they have done a submitting
antagonist.
A king circumstanced as the present, if he is totally
stupefied by his misfortunes, so as to think it not
the necessity, but the premium and privilege of life,
to eat and sleep, without any regard to glory, can
never be fit for the office. If he feels as men
commonly feel, he must he sensible that an office
so circumstanced is one in which he can obtain no
fame or reputation. He has no generous interest
that can excite him to action. At best, his conduct
will be passive and defensive. To inferior people
such an office might be matter of honor. But
to be raised to it and to descend to it are different
things, and suggest different sentiments. Does
he really name the ministers? They will