introduction of slaves into the Mississippi Territory.  Others made it unlawful to carry slaves to States which prohibited the traffic, or to fit out ships for the foreign slave trade, or to serve on a slaver.  The discussion caused by all these measures did much to build up a healthy public sentiment, and when 1808—­the date set by the Constitution—­came round, a prohibitory law was passed, and the President was authorized to use the armed vessels of the United States to give it force and effect.  Notwithstanding this, however, the slave trade, though now illegal and outlawed, continued for fully half a century.  Slaves were still stolen on the coast of Africa by New England sea captains, subjected to the pains and horrors of the middle passage, and smuggled into Georgia or South Carolina, to be eagerly bought by the Southern planters.  A Congressman estimated that 20,000 blacks were thus smuggled into the United States annually.  Lafitte’s nest of pirates at Barataria was a regular slave depot; so, too, was Amelia Island, Florida.  The profit on a slave smuggled into the United States amounted to $350 or $500, and the temptation was too great for men to be restrained by fear of a law, which prescribed but light penalties.  It is even matter of record that a governor of Georgia resigned his office to enter the smuggling trade on a large scale.  The scandal was notorious, and the rapidly growing abolition sentiment demanded that Congress so amend its laws as to make manstealers at least as subject to them as other malefactors.  But Congress tried the politician’s device of passing laws which would satisfy the abolitionists, the slave trader, and the slave owner as well.  To-day the duty of the nation seems to have been so clear that we have scant patience with the paltering policy of Congress and the Executive that permitted half a century of profitable law-breaking.  But we must remember that slaves were property, that dealing in them was immensely profitable, and that while New England wanted this profit the South wanted the blacks.  Macaulay said that if any considerable financial interest could be served by denying the attraction of gravitation, there would be a very vigorous attack on that great physical truth.  And so, as there were many financial interests concerned in protecting slavery, every effort to effectually abolish the trade was met by an outcry and by shrewd political opposition.  The slaves were better off in the United States than at home, Congress was assured; they had the blessings of Christianity; were freed from the endless wars and perils of the African jungle.  Moreover, they were needed to develop the South, while in the trade, the hardy and daring sailors were trained, who in time would make the American navy the great power of the deep.  Political chicanery in Congress reinforced the clamor from without, and though act after act for the destruction of the traffic was passed, none proved to be enforcible—­in each was what the politicians of a later day called a “little joker,” making it ineffective.  But in 1820 a law was passed declaring slave-trading piracy, and punishable with death.  So Congress had done its duty at last, but it was long years before the Executive rightly enforced the law.