to reveal from time to time the ignes cineri suppositos doloso.  They mostly follow the same course. Khilafat agitators terrorise the law-abiding population, extorting subscriptions for Khilafat funds, compelling shopkeepers to close their shops for Khilafat demonstrations, and so forth, until they are driven to appeal to the authorities for protection.  Then an attempt is made to arrest some of the ringleaders or to disarm the Khilafat “volunteers,” who, when they have no more modern weapons, know how to use their lathis or heavy iron-tipped staves with often deadly effect.  Rioting starts on a large scale to the cry of “Religion!  Religion!” the small local police force is helpless, and very soon the whole fury of the Mahomedan mob turns against the Hindus, as at Malegaon, in the Bombay Presidency, where they set a Hindu temple on fire and threw into the flames the body of an unfortunate Hindu sub-inspector of police who had been vainly attempting to save a Hindu quarter from arson.  Troops are hurried up from the nearest military station, and usually as soon as they appear order is restored with the employment of a minimum amount of force.  Numerous arrests are made, and a few of the local firebrands are ultimately prosecuted and convicted.  But at “Non-co-operation” headquarters the Khilafat propaganda goes on undisturbed, and all the appearances of Hindu-Mahomedan unity are ostentatiously kept up.  Mr. Mahomed Ali preaches to Hindus as well as to Mahomedans that it will be their duty to give the Ameer of Afghanistan every assistance in their power when he descends with his armies to rescue India from her foreign oppressors.  An All-India Khilafat Conference announces that, if the British Government fights openly or secretly against the Turkish Nationalists at Angora, the Indian National Congress will proclaim the Republic of India at its next session, and meanwhile declares it unlawful for any Mahomedan to serve in the Indian army, since a “Satanic” Government may at any moment use it to fight against Mustafa Kemal’s forces at Angora.  It is impossible to believe that on such lines “Non-co-operation” can bring Mahomedans and Hindus permanently together, or can drag the bulk of the sober and conservative Mahomedan community away from its solid moorings, but the effect of such appeals to the turbulent and fanatical elements, more numerous and more easily roused amongst Mahomedans than amongst Hindus, spreads and grows with the impunity conceded to them.

If, on the other hand, the Hindus may be on the whole less prone to violence than the Mahomedans, with whom the sword is still the symbol of their faith, the grave agrarian disturbances which have twice this year resulted from the “Non-co-operation” campaign in the United Provinces, and other disorders of a similar kind on a less serious scale in other provinces, show that Hindus too are not proof against temptations to violence.  Mr. Gandhi may go on preaching non-violence, and he may himself still disapprove of violence and refuse to believe that his teachings, as interpreted at least by many of his followers, are as certain to produce violence as the night is to produce darkness; but that “Non-co-operation” more and more frequently spells violence is beyond dispute, and more and more faint-hearted—­to put it very mildly—­are his reprobations of violence.