to exchanging them again some day for the light and
air which surround even the most squalid village hovels.
If there were reason to believe that improved housing
conditions such as are now assured to Bombay by the
huge city improvement schemes which, under Sir George
Lloyd’s energetic impulse, are expanding the
limits and transforming almost beyond recognition
the appearance of the most congested quarters of the
most congested of modern Indian cities, or even that
increased wages would substantially affect the temper
of Indian labour, one might look forward to the future
in this respect with less apprehension. But in
Bombay labour troubles have been scarcely less rife
in the best- than in the worst-conducted mills.
In Calcutta the British jute-mill owners have set
a splendid example to Indian employers of labour, and
the mill-hands, now largely imported from other provinces,
not only work under the best possible conditions of
light and air, but are housed in spacious quarters
specially built for them, well ventilated and scientifically
drained, with playing-fields and elementary schools
for the swarms of children who certainly look healthy
and well-fed and happy. The Birmingham mills
in Madras are recognised to be, from the same point
of view, second to none in the world. But the
most humane and generous employers—whether
European or Indian—are as liable as the
most grasping and callous to see their workers suddenly
carried away by a great wave of unreasoning discontent
and passion.
The greater the general unrest amongst these excitable
and terribly ignorant masses, the more urgent is the
need for the establishment of some effective means
of determining the social and economic justice of
the claims of labour, as well as for the adjustment
of actual conflicts by bringing employers and employed
together in a friendly atmosphere. A real organisation
of labour in its own sphere of interests and the constitution
of responsible trades unions would probably go far
to prevent labour from turning for encouragement and
support to agitators who have never been workers themselves,
who have no personal knowledge of its processes or
of its needs, and who exploit its discontent, reasonable
or unreasonable, for purposes as disastrous, if fulfilled,
to its permanent interests as to those of the employers
and of the whole community. A Congress which
called itself the first “All-India Trades Union
Congress” met this year in Bombay. The present
organisation of labour in India can hardly be said
to justify the title it assumed, and in answer to
a deputation which waited on the Governor, Sir George
Lloyd expressed a legitimate desire for more information
than was contained in its high-flown address as to
the status of these unions, their method of formation,
their constitution, their system of ballot and election,
and the actual experience in the several trades of
those who claimed to represent them. That information
was not and could not be furnished, because the ninety-two