to be the leaders of the nation they must give up their worldly notions of caste ascendancy and their harsh enforcement of “untouchability”; or he will lecture a youthful Bengalee audience, intensely jealous of their own language, upon their shameful ignorance of Hindi, which he believes to be the future language of India and of Swaraj.  No one could suspect him of having an axe of his own to grind.  He is beyond argument, because his conscience tells him he is right and his conscience must be right, and the people believe that he is right, and that his conscience must be right because he is a Mahatma, and as such outside and above caste.  His influence over the Indian Mahomedan cannot be so deep-rooted, and the ancient antagonism between them and the Hindus still endures amongst the masses on both sides; but it is of some significance that his warm espousal of the grievances which large and perhaps growing numbers of them have been induced to read into the Turkish peace terms, has led some of his most enthusiastic Mahomedan supporters to bestow upon him the designation of Wali or Vicegerent which is sometimes used to connote religious leadership.

No leader has ever dominated any meeting of the old Indian National Congress as absolutely as Mr. Gandhi dominated last Christmas at Nagpur the 20,000 delegates from all parts of India who persisted in calling themselves the Indian National Congress, though between them and the original Congress founders few links have survived, and the chief business of the session was to repudiate the old Congress profession of loyalty to the British connection as the fundamental article of its creed, and to eliminate the reference hitherto retained, with the consent even of the Extremists, to India’s participation on equal terms with the other members of the Empire in all its rights and responsibilities.  The resolution moved and carried at Nagpur stated bluntly that “the object of the Indian National Congress is the attainment of Swaraj by the people of India by all legitimate and peaceful means.”  Many of the members would have left out the last words which were intended to ease the scruples of the more weak-kneed brethren.  But Mr. Jinna, a Mahomedan Extremist from Bombay, whose legal mind in spite of all his bitterness does not blink the cold light of reason, warned his audience that India could not achieve complete independence by violent means without wading through rivers of blood.  Mr. Gandhi himself intimated that India did not “want to end the British connection at all costs unconditionally,” but he declared it to be “derogatory to national dignity to think of the permanence of the British connection at any cost, and it was impossible to accept its continuance in the presence of the grievous wrongs done by the British Government and its refusal to acknowledge or redress them.”  He explained that the resolution of which he was the mover could be accepted equally by “those who believe that