sending forces to Hull for the support of the law.
An intimation that persons accused of intimidation
would either not be prosecuted at all, or if prosecuted
and convicted, would be pardoned, would be sufficient
of itself to make the strike successful. In no
country could the Executive do more to render laws
ineffectual than in Ireland. The Irish Cabinet
might by mere inaction render the collection of rent
impossible; they might, as I have already pointed out,
give tacit encouragement to smuggling. If the
people regarded a coastguard as an enemy, if he and
his family were left severely alone, if he were often
maltreated and occasionally shot, his position might
be a difficult one, even if supported by the whole
force of the state. But if smuggling were regarded
as no crime, if the smuggler were looked upon as the
patriot who deprived an alien power of a revenue to
which England had no right, it is clear that nothing
but the energetic support of all the central and local
authorities in the country could give a revenue officer
the remotest chance of victory in his contest with
smugglers. But suppose the national government
were apathetic, suppose that the Irish Ministry looked
with favourable eye on the diminution of English revenue;
suppose that no Irish official gave any aid to a custom-house
officer; suppose that, if a British coastguardsman
were murdered, Irish detectives made no effort to
discover the wrong-doer; and that when the culprit
was discovered the Irish law officers hesitated to
prosecute; suppose that when a prosecution took place
the Attorney-General showed that his heart was not
in the matter, and that the jury acquitted a ruffian
clearly guilty of murder, is it not as clear as day
that smuggling would flourish and no customs be collected?
In the same way the Irish Ministry might by mere apathy,
by the very easy process of doing nothing, nullify
the effect of judgments delivered by the Exchequer
judges, and the Irish Ministry would show very little
ingenuity if they could not without any open breach
of the law impede the carrying out of executions against
the goods of persons whom popular feeling treated
as patriots.
The Irish Executive might, as already pointed out,[90] easily raise an Irish army. Drilling countenanced or winked at by the Irish Ministry could never be stopped by the British Government. Prussia at the period of her extreme weakness, and under the jealous eye of Napoleon, sent every Prussian through the ranks. Bulgaria raised an army while pretending to encourage athletic sports. The value of the precedent is not likely to escape an Irish Premier.